Washington looms over the life of the nation that he did so much to found. As general, as constitutionalist, as president, he set the tone and the standard for all others in American life to follow. Indeed, without George Washington it is impossible to imagine the United States of America growing, thriving, and prospering in a spirit of republican democracy the way it has for over 200 years. And therefore, it is quite appropriate that biographer James Thomas Flexner gave this 1974 biography of George Washington the title Washington: The Indispensable Man.
Biographer Flexner won the Pulitzer Prize and the National Book Award for his epic, four-volume biography George Washington. Not everyone, however, has time to read four weighty volumes of biography – even when the subject is George Washington. For that reason, it is fortunate that Flexner offered this concise, well-honed, one-volume distillation of his magnum opus.
Throughout The Indispensable Man, Flexner emphasizes the theme of George Washington as a man ahead of his time. Washington’s forward-thinking qualities emerge in the story of his 1777 response to learning that some citizens of New Jersey, during a period of British occupation, “had, under stress, sworn allegiance to the Crown”. Once these New Jerseyans were back under the Stars and Stripes, Washington as Commander in Chief ruled that these Patriots-turned-Tories “could be uncontaminated by the single act of swearing allegiance to the United States” (p. 100). Those who refused thus to demonstrate their American allegiance would simply be conveyed to the British lines and handed over to the British.
Washington’s moderate and gentle response to what other leaders might have regarded as treason reminded me of the mercy that the Spartan commander Brasidas showed to citizens of Athenian cities he had defeated during the Peloponnesian War. Yet Washington’s magnanimous solution to this problem was not universally popular: “That the cleansing oath Washington had designated was not to the sovereign state of New Jersey but to ‘the United States’ outraged many congressmen. The United States? That was no political entity, just an alliance” (p. 100).
Here, though, we see how very far ahead of his time George Washington was. In his own time, many Americans, including a number of members of Congress, thought about the United States of America the way Americans today might think of NATO: a valuable defensive alliance, but not the nation to which one owes allegiance. “State” meant “nation” for many people of that time; recall that the Declaration of Independence talks of “the united States of America” (with a small “u”) breaking away from “the State of Great Britain.” Yet Washington worked all his life to make Americans from New Hampshire to Georgia think and feel as Americans, not merely as citizens of their individual states – and his vision ultimately prevailed.
When the Revolutionary War was won, and Washington (who could have used his army to hold on to power) instead handed the Continental Army over to civilian control by Congress at Annapolis in 1783, he looked ahead to a peaceful retirement at his beloved Mount Vernon estate, and believed that his years of public service were over. Yet in fact, they were just beginning.
Because the Articles of Confederation, the first document providing a governmental structure for the U.S.A., created a weak central government and prompted endless quarreling among the states, many eminent Americans called for a revision of the Articles, and Washington was asked to preside at the resulting Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787.
This assignment made him most unhappy, and not just because his beloved wife Martha was miserable at losing him to public service yet again. The situation seemed a veritable Scylla and Charybdis of potential negative outcomes: “If (as still seemed very possible) the convention failed, the reputation for which he had so painfully labored would be grievously damaged….And if the convention did, under his leadership, establish a stronger government, he would be committed to doing everything in his power to help that government succeed” (p. 202).
Yet Washington did preside over the Constitutional Convention; and under his steady leadership, the Convention produced a United States Constitution that combined a strong central government with respect for the rights of the individual citizen. And that Constitution has served as the bedrock of American democracy for more than 233 years now.
With these successes behind him, it was inevitable that George Washington would be elected as the first American President. Throughout the Washington Administration, as at earlier points in Washington’s life, it seems to have been Washington’s character that so often made the crucial difference at various moments of crisis or contingency.
I was struck, for example, by Flexner’s recounting of how Washington responded to a yellow-fever epidemic in Philadelphia, then the nation’s capital, as his second term as President began in 1793. Little was known about the disease at the time (including the fact that it was spread by a particular species of mosquito); but it caused profound fear, and everyone who could leave Philadelphia did so. Washington’s response was characteristically calm and fearless, and his ride from nearby Germantown back into Philadelphia did much to calm the nerves of his frightened fellow-citizens:
Washington’s appearance again created a sensation. It was taken as a demonstration that the calamity had passed. His advisers feared that his “indifference about danger” might make him risk his own life, and those of the inhabitants who would “crowd” after him, by riding into the city while contagion still lurked. Washington was not to be dissuaded. The mosquitoes having been killed by the chilly weather, neither he nor the “multitudes” who followed his example were harmed. (p. 301)
Washington confronted the invisible terror of contagious disease with the same courage with which he had faced the bullets and shells of the British Army on the battlefields of the American Revolution. The prospect of death or injury seems to have meant little to him, when compared with his obligation to lead and protect those whom it was his duty to serve.
Flexner does not shy away from the topic of George Washington and slavery; the great Virginian was, after all, one of the wealthiest slaveholders of his time. Yet once again, Washington stands out, even among the eminent and accomplished Founders; while most of them became more conservative and more cautious regarding the slavery issue over the course of their lifetimes, Washington moved in the opposite direction – from casual acceptance of the “peculiar institution” during his youth, to increasing disquiet in his maturity, to an active determination, in his later years, to do all he could to end slavery on the Mount Vernon plantation.
Washington, Flexner suggests, “was temperamentally incapable of being indolent while others worked for him”, and his emotions regarding the people he held in slavery at Mount Vernon “were unhappy: frustration, pity, anxiety concerning the possibility of a slave revolt, and a deep personal sense of guilt” (pp. 391-92). Motivated by this complex set of emotional responses to slavery, Washington ultimately “proved to be the only Virginia founding father to free all his slaves” (p. 385).
The courage and equanimity that characterized all aspects of Washington’s life also marked the way in which the great man faced his own death. Having gone riding about his Mount Vernon estate on a cold and snowy December morning, Washington fell ill, and his doctors followed the customary medical practice of the time by “bleeding” Washington – believing, as had physicians since the time of the ancient Greeks, that the removal of blood with bad “humours” in it would help an ill patient to recover.
Yet Washington (unsurprisingly) continued to weaken, and his Mount Vernon secretary Tobias Lear later recalled how calmly Washington regarded his own impending demise:
He…asked, if I recollected anything which it was essential for him to do, as he had but a very short time to continue with us. I told him, that I could recollect nothing, but that I hoped he was not so near his end. He observed, smiling, that he certainly was, and that, as it was the debt which we must all pay, he looked at the event with perfect resignation. (p. 401)
Washington: The Indispensable Man takes its title from an observation that Flexner offers regarding the “Conway Cabal,” an unsuccessful 1777-78 attempt by a group of jealous and discontented officers to have Washington removed from the command of the Continental Army. The coup attempt failed, as Flexner explains, in part because Washington had done nothing wrong, and in part because the political and military leadership of the young U.S.A. asked themselves who could replace George Washington and found that “The answer was that there was no one else. Washington was recognized as the indispensable man.”
Living in Northern Virginia, I often have the opportunity to visit Mount Vernon, and indeed I bought my copy of Washington: The Indispensable Man at the Mount Vernon gift shop. Whenever I walk the grounds at Mount Vernon, I find that my impressions of George Washington as a man both great and good are strengthened. A reading of this book, like a visit to Mount Vernon, makes one thankful for the presence of George Washington at all the times in the early history of the United States of America when only his presence and his example held the young republic together. He was, and he remains, the indispensable man.