Otto Strasser: The Life and Times of a German Socialist

by Troy Southgate

PRIOR to the outbreak of the Second World War, Otto Strasser was a leading activist in the National-Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP). Distancing himself from the prevailing ideologies of both capitalism and communism, Strasser famously accused Adolf Hitler of betraying the socio-economic principles of the original Nazi programme and went on to become a leading opponent of the Third Reich. Along with his brother, Gregor, he believed that a form of German Socialism could provide an alternative future for the nation's long-suffering workers and peasants. As a result, he was ruthlessly pursued across several countries by Gestapo agents and became embroiled in a series of thrilling adventures. This is the story of how a Bavarian man with a sense of national freedom and social justice became one of the world's most intriguing revolutionary ideologues.

Genres: History

200 pages, Paperback

First published December 1, 2010

About the author

British author, musician and leading National-Anarchist activist and theoretician.

Southgate has been active in diverse British national organizations and is associated with the New Right and third positionism.

Reviews

[Tim Pendry · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book is hagiographical, polemic, based on limited sources and has some small editing issues but it is still well worth reading.

Otto Strasser is presented here by Troy Southgate as a ‘German Socialist’, neatly eliding the fact that he was very much a national socialist with an early association with Hitler’s NSDAP.

His brother, Gregor, was murdered in the infamous Night of The Long Knives and Otto barely escaped with his life, suffering danger, poverty and indignities for well over the subsequent decade.

Indeed, the account of his desperate attempts to stay one step ahead of the German Army in France in 1940 links in the memory with Koestler's account of the chaos of those days and that superb romanticisation of the era in Curtiz' 'Casablanca'.

This book is a reminder that interwar German nationalism has since been over-simplified in the West and in Germany because it has been convenient to do so. It is a useful source for understanding yet another strand of that German Idealism that has proved such a burden to Europe.

It can also be recommended as providing some fascinating insights into what it was like to be a German nationalist in the 1920s. Most books on this era take an Olympian view as if any nationalist was by nature a fool for participating in the first steps towards an ‘inevitable’ Gotterdammerung.

Of course, hindsight is a glorious thing but there was no necessary march from defeat in 1918 to the death camps. The opposition to Hitler might, had circumstances been only slightly different, triumphed over a man who never had the full support of the majority of the German people or his own Party.

One of the saddest elements in the book is the determined bureaucratic attempt of the Allies to ensure that their own people sustained a blame game at the expense of the German people – an attitude that permitted the Allies to engage in bombing operations that were, bluntly, war crimes.

Thus evil begets evil …

Even taking account of Southgate’s attempt to rehabilitate the man, Otto Strasser comes across as decent and likeable if perhaps a bit of a political nerd. I am prepared to believe that he was the nicer man in his unfortunate contretemps with the aged HG Wells in Bermuda while in exile.

But being a decent man is no guarantee of political competence or of being right nor of that decency not being overwhelmed by circumstances if he, his brother, the Black Front and the SA had ever come to power.

Perhaps we might wish that his kind had triumphed over Hitler within the NSDAP (certainly many shtetl Jews would likely have survived the next two decades) but it would not be a particularly nice place to live if you had an ounce of independence or lust for freedom – or been Jewish for that matter.

Strasser must be characterized as part of the conservative Catholic resistance both to capitalist modernization and to an ‘a-moral’ international socialism which was associated, not entirely without reason, with those Jews who had abandoned any faith in God and turned to politics.

Strasser stood against capital and for the workers (Strasserites would back strikes where Hitler would cut deals with industrialists) and against international communism (although National Bolshevism would sustain a theory of common Eurasian working class interests).

This strand of German nationalism was fed by the same streams as Belloc and Chesterton in the UK.

Some analogy would be with the sclerotic catholic authoritarianism (in practice, rather than in full accordance with Strasserite theory) of Franco or various East European traditionalisms. Whatever Strasser was, unlike Hitler and Mussolini, he was not a cynic - probably his undoing.

The difference from the ‘nice’ Catholic conservative revolutionaries of Merrie England was Strasser and his generation’s experience of defeat on the Western Front and of economic collapse first in the wake of war and then after the Great Depression.

This led to attitudes that involved far more than the scapegoating of the Jewish community but anti-Semitism certainly came as part of the package.

Strasser comes out of this a little more creditably than most national socialists – but only just! A dash of implicit tolerance of anti-Semitism from Southgate in ‘apologia’ is a little uncomfortable to read.

Otto represented a very real alternative to Hitler – redistributionist, corporatist, welfarist, anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist – as well as a position that had room for the Catholic ideal of one nation under God. But he was also naïve when faced with the gangster politics of his opponents.

Such German Idealism as Strasser’s is of its time and place. Some of it survived the war as the social compact that still remains at the heart of the democratic German State, an ideal of corporatism shared by Christian Democrats and Social Democrats alike and consciously denying its inconvenient part-parent.

Because we demand that the Nazi era be ‘sui generis’, a peculiar eruption of evil and a simplification of history into the standard American-style narrative of black and white, we fail to see that the Nazi State of Hitler and his gang only arose as most effectively brutal player in a longstanding game.

Nor did German history suddenly end in 1945 and start anew. Book burning did not end with Hitler. Even under the Christian Democrats in the immediate post-war period, communities were engaged in the burnings of ‘grimoires’ and of other material that they disapproved of.

There is an essential continuity to German history. The importance of this short and readable book is that it reminds us of that continuity. It stops us from convenient simplification.

It helps us question the standard narratives we have grown up with. It does not, however, threaten to turn us into national socialist sympathisers after the fact.

Strasser himself got the worst of both worlds. The Nazis tried to kill him more than once. The Allies, and especially the time-servers who managed to get themselves into power as ‘democrats’ by the late 1940s, found it convenient to label him a Nazi because of his threat to the post-war Federal deal.

Whatever you think of the man and his politics (I would oppose them as absurdly essentialist), his treatment by the Allies and by the post-war German Government was as dodgy as we have come to expect from liberal democracies when dealing with what they consider to be existential threats.

The recent supply of Wikileaks material on the known innocence of large numbers of Guantanamo Bay victims tells us a lot about the moral turpitude of bureaucratic liberalism.

This book tells us that this essential lack of integrity has been going on for an awful long time. The hiring of Nazi rocket scientists is but a part of a wider engagement by the West with the cruel realities of power.

Former Hitlerites were convenient partners but working class natonal socialists who defied Hitler were not - this tells us something about liberal priorities. A force that might ally with the Soviets on a nationalist platform was clearly not tolerable - again comprehensibly at that point in history.

Southgate’s account of Strasser’s treatment in the 1940s does not entirely fill me with indignation – you plays the game, you takes your chances – but it adds to the mounting evidence that our ‘own side’ is pretty morally bankrupt when judged by its own claimed standards.

As for the politics, Southgate lays out Strasser’s pre-Gleichschaltung position in great detail in a central section of the book. I refer you to the book. Southgate believes these ideas still have merit.

I do not agree with him. Strasser’s ideas were a conservative petit-bourgeois response to radical modernization, based on a deeply flawed idealistic philosophy. But, whatever they were, they were not ‘evil’. Dull and impractical and potentially sclerotic, yes – but evil, no!

To label all national socialist thought as ‘evil’ rather than misguided is as absurd as considering all Marxist thought to be stupid or all liberal thought as benign. Things are far too complex for such easy judgements on any ideological formulation.

The great flaw in all idealism is its philosophical universalism (albeit that national socialism embeds this in the nation or, in Hitler’s case, in a spurious notion of race) but this is a flaw that is fully shared by the philosophes of the Enlightenment and by Marxist scientific materialism.

All European politics in the wake of industrialization has been infected by some form of idealism or reification. Millions have died as a result. As villains go, in a world of holocausts, gulags and Vietnam, Strasser and similar types like Walther Darre are not in the highest ranks of evil-doers.

Today, he is of somewhat fringe interest. National Bolshevism had a brief flurry of publicity in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union in Russia but it was really the security apparat’s pet.

The more interesting Eurasian ideology is traditionalist and has been carefully managed to buttress National Putinism.

Southgate, whose own political trajectory has taken him through most of the Radical Right groups of consequence on the fringe of British politics, contemporaneously with my abortive trajectory through the mainstream ‘official’ Left, has now ended up as leading theorist of National Anarchism.

National Anarchism is another relatively fringe operation that suffers from the historic links of many of its members with harder and nastier organizations but it is one which is intellectually interesting.

However, interesting is not important when the Radical Right is as full of squabbles and splitters as the Marxist Left.

The Radical Right and the Official Left increasingly look like two sides of the same coin of political essentialism even if National Anarchism probably gets it right on the bureaucratic State.

Southgate himself owes a lot to Strasser, though one suspects that Otto would not easily have comprehended the diminishing of the national state in the theory.

The sensitive liberal should be warned here that this book is designed to be part of a strategy of engagement with the outside world and that the publishing house has the Strasserite logo on its spine of hammer and sword, a hommage to the Bolshevik hammer and sickle.

But the political philosophy of Strasserism is dated. It does not really stand up to philosophical scrutiny. Yet Southgate has every right to re-present him to the world after half a century or more of neglect. In that context, this is a good introduction.

Why it should be read by anyone who purports to understand modern history should be clear by now – it is a vaccine against simplistic victory narratives and it shows how basically good men could join, in good faith, and then be crushed by, vicious movements.

The national socialist movement was vicious enough to offer death to Otto as the price of failure but do not believe for a moment that leading factions in liberal democratic parties are not ruthless in their own way about ideological dissent. We all know the record of the Communists in this respect.

Otto Strasser was a cul-de-sac in European history and politics but his story offers an instructive tale and the book is recommended for those interested in political thought and European history.

[N · Rating 5 out of 5]

I was more than a little concerned about those "youth football teams."

Yes, "youth football teams." For on the back cover of Troy Southgate's biography of Otto Strasser, one reads that Southgate "has managed several youth football teams in his local area." Now, this same cover also informs us that the author has been involved "with over twenty music projects," that he is the "editor of Synthesis webzine" and serves as the "Secretary of the New Right." This assortment of tasks would seem to be enough to absorb the time of most men. However, Southgate continues to turn out full length books on a variety of subjects, fiction and non-fiction. How to fathom that one fellow, even the most energetic, has accomplished so much can only be explained due to his neglect of some aspect of his ventures. This assumption forced me to conclude that it must be those youth football teams of Southgate's which have suffered.

Imagine then my surprise when on the back of Southgate's most recent work, Further Writings: Essays on Philosophy, Religion, History & Politics we read, "He has also coached and managed boys football teams at under-8 and under-11 level, helping them to go on to win local tournaments." There you have it. Even as a football coach Southgate has found time to excel.

(In passing, given our author's penchant for the "conservative revolution" we await his book on footballing tactics. Perhaps, he has devised a method to return to the 2 - 3 - 5 and is planning revenge on the Magyars for Wembley 1953!)

On to more weighty matters. Southgate has long been taken by the figure of Otto Strasser. Ever since his formative years in the National Front and continuing throughout the assorted movements he has led and contributed to since then, Strasser's thought and person have figured heavily.

An initial inkling why this is so may be gleaned from our volume's sub title, The Life and Times of a German Socialist. Strasser and, his older brother, Gregor came to their affiliation with National Socialism because they took its "socialism" to be serious. Hitler's failure to do so led to Otto breaking with the party in 1930. It also resulted in Gregor's murder at the hands of the Führer's agents in the 1934 Night of the Long Knives. This is the primary source of Southgate's Strasserism. In our author's understanding of nationalism, the people must form a true community, and true community demands economic care and justice. Or, as he quotes Strasser, "capitalism is ideologically linked to liberalism."

Here is where Strasser idealism begins but no means ends. He was a socialist, calling for mass redistribution of property, worker's co-operatives and nationalization of utilities but, unlike the standard Marxist ideologies, he was also a nationalist. As Southgate puts it, he was fearful of Germany being "sucked into a global abyss that would result in an eradication of her culture and civilization." And, unlike the mainstream socialist he was also a localist who foresaw, after an initial period of state enforced land confiscation and redistribution, a time when all families of the nation would have property of their own with some manner of self sufficiency. Of course, this redistribution would result in many people having less than they possessed currently. According to Southgate this process would "involve the State putting land and property in the hands of trusted groups and individuals." It would require that "people's lives (be) scaled down to a large extent" and "a general lowering of one's horizons."

Many of the details of Strasser's system sound quite radical to contemporary ears. (They don't call it "radical nationalism" for nothing, mind you!) Quoting Southgate, they include the abolishment of "all private property involving ownership of land and natural resources," canceling all existing mortgages," "de-urbanization" via "the large scale resettlement of the countryside" and much more. The details of this system are far more complex. The eleventh chapter of Southgate's work is a good place to begin a study of them.

There the reader will encounter not only Strasserite socialism but also his views on state education. It is to be "free" but would allow for only "a single type of primary school for children" with a heavy emphasis on German history. The state structure is treated to an extended presentation as well. Strasser did support "a president for life" but would limit his power by establishing a Great Council comprised of representatives from the various German provinces and a Chamber of Estates to be elected by the people.

Throughout this section of the book we feel a distinct tension between Strasser and Southgate's desire for a simpler, more secure economic life, rooted in a sense of peoplehood and their belief in the "German" and, may we add, general European predilection for "independence and self expression." This is a difficult balancing act. Southgate claims that "although Otto was a statist himself, he had more in common with modern day libertarians than with the communists and Hitlerites of his generation." The yearning to see things this way is understandable but, to be honest, there is little in Strasserism of the libertarian or anarchist perspective (except in his idealization of rural life) and we will have more to say about this later on.

Strasser also differed from Hitler in his approach to other European nations. His path was not to engage in claims and attacks upon neighboring states. It would be of interest to go back and research Strasser's reactions to Hitler's arguments and steps re Czechoslovakia, Poland and the like. He also dabbled with the notion of an alliance with Russia as opposed to the west. Echoes of this were to be heard in the post war era from the likes of Francis Parker Yockey and those, who till this day, speak of some form of "National Bolshevism."

On the Jewish question, Strasser, although keenly aware of the real difficulties created by the supranational self-identity of this unique people, was convinced that Hitler's over the top approach to it did far more harm than good. He was always deeply repulsed by the Julius Streicher school of pornography, obsessive with matters Jewish. Gregor, in fact, expelled Streicher from the NSDAP many years before Hitler brought the latter to propagandistic preeminence.

One of the subjects which led to the final rupture between Otto and the party was his rejection of the "leader principle." In his last conversation with Hitler, over May 21st and 22nd of 1930, Strasser tried to explain that even leaders are human beings and that ideals must always take precedence. To the Führer this smacked of liberalism. The "leader," to Hitler was the idea made incarnate and, thus, would always be the final definer of what was correct ideology.

Of these ideas and many more the reader will learn in the volume before us. Yet, Strasser was not just a man of ideals. He was a courageous idealist, always ready to advocate for his notion of a just society, even when his life was repeatedly threatened for so doing. This dogged idealism continued even when, after the war, his loyalty to that which he believed forced him to live in exile from his beloved homeland for over twenty years.

After his final break with Hitler in 1930, Strasser founded, along with Herbert Blank and Major Bruno Buchrucker, the Black Front organization which continued a fervent opposition to Hitlerism in the name of, what its advocates saw as, true German socialism. This led, in the early 1930s to street violence against Black Fronters by the growing number of Hitler's supporters. Eventually, when Hitler came to power, it took only four days till the Black Front was outlawed. Later, after the Reichstag fire, the government rounded up thousands of Black Front supporters, herding them into concentration camps.

At this point Strasser, his life in danger from the Gestapo, was condemned to begin years of cat and mouse fleeing from the long clutches of the NS government. His path would take him to Austria, Czechoslovakia, Switzerland, France, Portugal, Bermuda and, lastly, Canada. Labeled by Joseph Goebbels as "Public Enemy Number One" with a half a million dollar bounty on his head, Strasser was never safe in continental Europe. There were repeated attempts made on his life, several of his colleagues were killed in the process. Reading of the details of his flights and many last minute escapes one thinks, perhaps, of the fictional Jason Bourne, whose miraculous escapes from the murderers of his own government and other malevolent forces have taken him through three films and eight novels. The difference between Strasser and Bourne, however, are many. The former had no near superhuman combat skills and the latter had no sustaining ideology. Moreover, Bourne is fiction. The exploits of Strasser were very real.

The details of this remarkable man's flight from Hitler, while still trying to maintain his dissident presence in Germany via clandestine supporters, pirate radio broadcasts and underground publications is fascinating. They are told in detail in Southgate's book. There is little doubt that the reader, his appetite aroused by Southgate's deft telling of this tale of danger and courage, will soon be visiting the library or surfing the internet in order to get a copy of Strasser's own works (Hitler and I [1940] and Flight from Terror [1943]) which offer, at greater length, the story of a brave man and those who went to any ends to try to have him killed.

In Canada, out of the reach of Hitler's agents, a man of lesser fortitude would have gone about setting up a calm life, content that he had fought the good fight and earned a well deserved rest. However, rest was not part of Strasser's extraordinary makeup. All the ideas he had fought for still had to be clarified and championed. For so long as Hitler was in power this meant opposing him and exposing what Strasser saw as his great evil to the world, in general, and the German people, in particular. From the time he left Germany till the end of the war Strasser authored nine anti-Hitler books in English and fourteen in German! This was accomplished with the Gestapo in hot pursuit and with a less than receptive welcome, for the most part, from the Allied governments. (Incidentally, Southgate provides us with a detailed biography of all things Strasser, books by Otto and Gregor themselves, as well as secondary works in many languages.)

Adding insult to injury in 1943, the Canadian government, seemingly clueless as to the nature of Otto's political beliefs, forbade him to publish on political matters during his stay in that country. Eventually he wound up living in a tiny apartment above a grocery store in the small village of Paradise in Nova Scotia. Even there, in extreme economic straits, supported by a tiny stipend sent him by his brother Paul, who lived in a monastery in Minnesota, he continued to struggle and dream of a just society in Germany and elsewhere. And, immediately after the war, his publications began to flow once again.

From 1945 to 1955 Otto Strasser struggled mightily to return to his native land. Despite the willingness of the Allied occupation to "rehabilitate" many former Nazis when they needed them, the one man who had fought Hitler long before the rest of the world was aware of a Nazi movement, was kept in exile.

Why did he so yearn to return? Southgate quotes a poignant comment which the exile made in 1950, when his hopes were raised yet again that a return to Germany was a possibility. "I have no illusions, either about the domestic or the foreign situation of Germany, but I can do no other . . . even the impulse to be of help has somewhat suffered through my experience of mankind. But there remains a feeling of duty and of dedication to task." Strasser was fifty three years old at that time.

In 1955, he was at last allowed to return. Southgate gives the painful facts of the legal nastiness that accompanied those ten years of post war exile. By the middle of 1956 Strasser was back in the political fray, founding a new political party, Deutsche Soziale Union. According to Southgate, the group had "links" with the Belgian radical nationalist, Jean-François Thiriart, a thinker of much creativity in his own right. With some connection with Yockeyites in London, these groups were blazing new paths in their rejection of the "west," America and its global, materialist capitalism with the same vehemence as they did Marxism. Southgate also makes passing reference to Thiriart's ties with "Black power advocates and revolutionaries in Latin America." The discerning reader will see here the germination of sentiments that would lay dormant until the days of the "radical" National Front of the late 1980s and its assorted offshoots.

Sadly, this last effort of Strasser's would go down in dismal defeat. In the 1958 federal elections his party garnered a mere 0.1% of the vote. This was to be his final real effort in organized politics. An overture to join the NPD in the late sixties was rejected by Strasser. In 1969 he published his final work, Mein Kampf: Eine Politische Autobiographie in German. (Reviewer's aside -- Might this not be a work of some importance to translate into English?)

As could be expected he continued his journalistic efforts, publishing his newsletter, Vorschau, until two months before his death. The end came peacefully to this incessant battler, whom Southgate describes as the "great old man of German Socialism," in Munich on Tuesday August 27th, 1974.

Southgate notes in his Preface that there are two existing biographies of Strasser. They were both written by his long time friend, British journalist, Douglas Reed. Reed is himself a fascinating figure, clearly very respectful of Strasser and much influenced by the latter's thinking. He was a gifted journalist, novelist and historian, who has fallen out of favor due to the political thought control of our times. Reed was a virulent and early opponent of Hitler but, alas for his literary reputation at present, he felt there was a Jewish problem and, to make matters worse, was a very vocal supporter of the Ian Smith government of Rhodesia during its brief existence.

Twice did Reed take pen in hand to tell the story of Strasser. First, in 1940, when the latter was still in Europe, he wrote Nemesis? The Life of Otto Strasser. Later during Strasser's painful post war years in Canada, he authored The Prisoner of Ottawa (1953). These are both worthwhile works and may be found today on the internet at DouglasReed.co.uk. Each captures the drama of Strasser's life and the radical nature of his views.

Southgate feels, though, we have need of yet another relating of Strasser's tale. He asserts that "sixty years have passed" since Reed concluded his portrayal of Strasser and a "great deal has emerged since then. Plus we are told that we know now much more about Strasser's "political legacy." We will return to the question of legacy in a moment. Regarding why this book is needed, though, this reviewer would beg to differ with Southgate. His book is needed, quite simply, because it is a far better work than those of Reed. Yes, there are areas where one will turn to Reed to supplement Southgate. There are areas where the earlier works offer us a bit more to chew on but, as far as a coherent, straightforward and fast paced rendering of the events and ideas of Otto Strasser, the current volume far outdoes those that came before. Reed is given to a bit of meandering and gets a bit chatty here and there. Southgate's is a narrative without fat but with all the necessary meat. My advice would be to start with Southgate then move on to Strasser's own autobiographical works and then, finally, sit down at the computer and print out Reed.

Let us be honest, though, neither Reed nor Southgate are detached academic observers of Strasser. The reader searches in vain in any of these three works for a negative comment about the man. Similarly, there is little attempt to offer questioning analysis of Strasser's political views. Perhaps Strasser was a man without major faults, personal or ideological but this reviewer would have liked to hear a bit more from dissenting perspectives.

Plus, the discerning reader will notice some contradictions in the details of our saga. For example, the story of the Gestapo murder of Strasser's underground radio expert, Rudolf Formis, in the Czechoslovakian town of Zahorie in 1935 is presented in quite different fashion in Strasser's own Flight from Terror, than it is in both Reed and Southgate.

In addition, there are fascinating, but all too brief, references in all the above works to the presence in the Black Front of a small number of Jews that Strasser was quite willing to work with. Southgate refers to one Helmut Hirsch, a Jew of the Black Front, who was given the task of blowing up the offices of Der Stürmer. He was smuggled into Germany to accomplish this task, caught and eventually executed. Strasser himself, in Flight from Terror, makes reference to an anonymous Jewish doctor, a Black Fronter, who "had thrown open his sanitarium to us" in Franzenbad, where the organization met clandestinely.

This must be balanced against the backdrop of a conversation Strasser had with Reed on this subject, which appears on pages 115-116 in Prisoner of Ottawa. There Reed writes that Strasser believed that "his endeavor would be to find, in agreement with the Jews, a means by which they could lead a dignified and worthy existence in the state, subject to the limits which their own religion, ineradicable traits and implacable refusal to assimilate dictate." These sources need further work to ascertain more clearly the totality of Strasser's position in this area.

(It is worth noting here that the American, Jewish paleo-conservative, Paul Gottfried, who has shown much receptivity to nationalist causes in the past, wrote a scholarly article, reasonably favorable to Strasser, as far back as the Spring 1969 issue of Modern Age. He concludes that the enduring positive legacy of Strasser is to be found in his "core rejection of liberalism" due to his "anxiety about the individual's estrangement from society and the desire to reabsorb him into a community".)

There remains yet the matter of the implementation of Strasser's economics as well as his relevancy to current political struggles. Strasser was a socialist. By this he meant that mass capitalism is inherently exploitative and unjust. Yet, the key area in which he differed with the communist (in addition to his being a nationalist and not an internationalist) is in his rejection of class warfare. He advocated, for example, joint ownerships of factories and large businesses by workers and owners. He wanted to redistribute property but only to a certain extent. At the end of the day, the unity of the people of their soul must be maintained. Neither worker nor owner should dominate. Class warfare, was in his mind, a sure recipe to tear apart the nation. Accordingly, after dutifully having served in the army during WWI, Strasser fought in the streets in the immediate turbulent days after WWI against both communists and industrialists.

This obviously has an attraction for those who wish to heal the wounds of any people, ground down by capitalism and faceless state socialism. However, the lingering question is how is this to be implemented? How much is to be taken away? What right does a man have to work and preserve the results of his efforts? Or, that of his ancestors? What sort of state and methods of coercion would be needed to effect a massive redistribution of wealth and property? Do not many men lead honest and productive lives in order to pass something of their resources on to their descendants? Would the state, under Strasserism, constantly intervene to limit men from doing so? How big is a business to become before it

[Patrick · Rating 5 out of 5]

Quick but informative read ( especially for people who don't know much about the Strasser movement ) It contains information about the life and the ideology of Otto Strasser.

[Matthew W · Rating 5 out of 5]

The "definitive" book on Otto Strasser.