How and why is Christianity's center of gravity shifting to the developing world? To understand this rapidly growing phenomenon, Donald E. Miller and Tetsunao Yamamori spent four years traveling the globe conducting extensive on-the-ground research in twenty different countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Europe. The result is this vividly detailed book which provides the most comprehensive information available on Pentecostalism, the fastest-growing religion in the world. Rich with scenes from everyday life, the book dispel many stereotypes about this religion as they build a wide-ranging, nuanced portrait of a major new social movement.
Donald E. Miller is the Leonard K. Firestone Professor of Religion at the University of Southern California and Director of Strategic Initiatives at USC’s Center for Religion and Civic Culture. He is the author, coauthor, or editor of ten books, including Global Pentecostalism: The New Face of Christian Social Engagement and Reinventing American Protestantism: Christianity in the New Millennium.
In their book Global Pentecostalism: The New Face of Christian Social Engagement, Donald E. Miller and Tetsunao Yamamori present the thesis that a new kind of Pentecostalism is emerging that is much more intentional than Classical Pentecostalism or the Prosperity Gospel about addressing social ills. They call this emergent force “Progressive Pentecostalism,” and its message “the integral gospel.” Although they deny that they have “gone native” or that they have an apologetic purpose in writing the book, Miller and Yamamori do in fact seem to have an agenda. The emergence of Progressive Pentecostalism becomes for them part and parcel of an attack on the Marxist view that religion is the “opiate of the masses.” Although they lament that Progressive Pentecostalism has not yet developed much of a political consciousness, it nevertheless engages in humanitarian aid, community transformation, and leadership development. It also instills values in its poor converts that result in upward mobility. Miller and Yamamori express the hope that, since “social gospel” liberal Protestants and liberation theology are on the decline, Progressive Pentecostalism may be able in some respects to replace them. It is not as revolutionary as liberation theology, but it may result in a “trickle-up” transformation of political structures, anyway.
The authors supplement their critique of Marxism with a repudiation of secularization theory. Secularization theory, which argues that secularization inevitably follows modernization, the authors feel their research has falsified. After all, does it not show that just as the global South is catching the lightrail to modernity it is also adopting Pentecostal beliefs at an unprecedented pace? Maybe not. Mark Noll has argued that the global South skipped modernity altogether, going straight from premodernity to postmodernity. These are muddy categories, but it does seem to be the case that the global South has never fully "modernized". The South has all the external trappings of modernity, certainly: cell phones, computers, factories, and skyscrapers, for example. But these are merely Western imports. The West developed its own technology by the application of reason and the scientific method, and the transformation wrought thereby was sufficiently earth-shaking that every Westerner is taught from the cradle to respect the standards of science. The South, by contrast, has embraced the West's technology but has not really internalized the modern mindset that made it possible. In short, the modernization of the global South has been superficial, even illusory.
Miller and Yamamori also use the data they have collected as the basis for a tentative critique of the “reductive” naturalism that is orthodoxy for most sociologists. Miller and Yamamori relate accounts of healings, for example. One cessationist pastor in India was forced by the healings he witnessed to admit the ongoing reality of the miraculous (150-1). Two accounts of resurrection are tentatively pronounced valid by Miller and Yamamori due to the weight of testimony in their favor (151-2). One skeptical theologian in Hong Kong reportedly witnessed healings that he had difficulty explaining, and had to resort to a combination of psychosomatic and supernatural hypotheses in order to explain them (152-3). In Hong Kong, some heroin addicts speak in tongues before ever setting foot in a Pentecostal worship service where they could learn this behavior. They also often report painless or nearly painless withdrawal (100-1, 109). Some of the dramatic changes that occur due to exorcism, too, Miller and Yamamori find difficult to fit within “secular categories of explanation” (156). The authors eventually defend the hypothesis that natural and supernatural explanations might not be mutually exclusive, and that the Spirit (or something external, anyway) may in fact be animating Pentecostals’ many activities even though the human element cannot be denied. Miller and Yamamori feel, in fact, that parsimony demands that we adopt this view, and that to do anything else involves bias or arrogance on the part of the sociologist (158-9, 219-21). This will undoubtedly be their most controversial conclusion.
Whatever the ontological status of the “Spirit” that Pentecostals claim animates their worship, Miller and Yamamori argue that Spirit-filled worship lies at the root of the emerging Pentecostal concern for social justice. Certainly there are other factors: the increasing number of educated middle-class participants, the biblical injunctions to aid the poor, and the decline of eschatological urgency, for example. But ultimately, it is worship that makes Pentecostalism democratic, egalitarian, empowering, energizing, humbling, and communal (132-3). Worship also instills a sense of hope and joy that allows people to believe that change is possible (221). And perhaps most importantly, Pentecostals frequently devote themselves to social justice projects because they feel they have been “called” to do so by the Holy Spirit. This moves them to act in ways that do not appear at all self-interested (222-4). Linda Kevorkian, for example, was a wealthy woman in her fifties when she heard God call her to build an orphanage for AIDS babies in Bangkok (112-4). It is doubtful that she would have undertaken such a project apart from what she believed was a divine commission.
"Since its inception in the first century, Christianity has been evolving as a social institution, changing its organizational shape, redefining its mission, and creating new expressions of worship. Perhaps the rate of change is no greater in the twenty-first century than at other periods, but the demographics of Christendom are being turned upside down--quite literally, because the vitality of Christianity is moving from the Northern Hemisphere to south of the equator."
The major engine driving much (though not all) of this transformation? Pentecostalism. This theological and sociological shift is virtually ignored by most in the West/North, even by the two authors up until their study. This was an insightful, thorough, and nuanced introduction to the rapid growth of Pentecostalism, in comparison to virtually any other Christian tradition, in the world today.
Author recognizes that Pentecostalism is growing exponentially especially in the Souther Hemisphere, but claims there is confusion over the term as if it were one phenomenon when it is not. He claims scholars see Pentecostalism as Marx's opiate taking the edge off the pain of life. Miller thinks it's possible that Pentecostalism is filling what Cox calls the "ecstasy deficit" of the postmodern world and believes it is a postmodern phenomenon rather than simply a protest against modernity. He discusses neo-Pentecostals as embracing Holy Spirit, but packagin the religion to make sense to culturally attuned people. The author's focus is on "progressive" Pentecostals who believe in charitable work as a major part of their faith. He doesn't buy the Marx theory as applicable to Prosperity churches because once people have hope for something better they will revolt against the machine. Notes that a part of the secularization theory was that religion would become individualized having little influence on public domain. The success of megachurches is self-perpetuating for the larger a church gets the more it can meet the needs of niche markets. Miller argues that Pentecostals are increasingly engage in community-based social ministries as a sign of the movement's maturation.
This was a pretty good book but because it is primarily narrative based, it feels like it’s missing some key concrete ideas to support their thesis. They also set rules of talking about Pentecostal ministries in the global south and then had some non-Pentecostal ministries in not the global south when they just wanted to. Other than that, I thought it does a good job at showing the global nature of the Pentecostal movement with specific emphasis on the importance of indigenous church. Very post-colonial without being specifically post-colonial. I also think the discussion of Pentecostal social involvement as compared to liberation theology or Marxism was very important. That prodigally could have been expanded into its own whole chapter.
Absolutely phenomenal book about the growth of Pentecostalism outside of the West. Although both contributing authors are Christians, the scholarship and sociological objectivity is profound.
I didn't expect to read about Marx, feminism, and Durkheim but Miller and Yamamori deal with these sociological paradigms cogently. They provide a brilliant analysis and critique of those paradigms seeing where they are correct and where they fail to capture the essence of what Miller and Yamamori call "progressive pentecostalism."
I'd encourage anyone to pick up this book. I'd argue this is a must read as this form of pentecostalism is becoming the dominant trend in the global south and east.
This book contains an analysis of "progressive Pentecostalism", which the authors define as Pentecostal churches and ministries that seek to serve the poor in the developing world. The author visit such ministries throughout the Global South and report on their findings.
The book contains an analysis of Pentecostal worship, social services, education of the young, and effects on political and economic change. The authors' conclusion is that Pentecostalism supports a healthy and empowering lifestyle, in which a passion for God drives out negative earthly passions. Although the book is written from a social science perspective, and offers lots of secular reasons for the success of Pentecostal churches, the authors are clearly moved by what they see in this sub-culture.
The authors provide an excellent introduction to this important subject. However, I wish they had talked a bit more about Pentecostals in the developed world, if only by way of contrast. The authors also briefly discussed the growth of Pentecostalism in former Communist countries, only to drop this subject by the next chapter. These are minor complaints, however; the book overall was fascinating.
Donald Miller is a liberal Episcopalian who teaches at USC. He wanted to write about the churches around the world that were involved in social justice work that was having a huge impact on their communities. As he began his research, he discovered that nearly all of the churches were Pentecostal, much to his surprise. This book is so amazing--and has greater credibility because Miller is not a Pentecostal himself. Among the topics covered are the Pentecostal Churches' impact on liberation theology as well as aberrations like the prosperity Gospel. The book also comes with a DVD that allows the reader to see the churches he describes in the book--just a nifty little extra!