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320 pages, Hardcover
First published July 1, 2024
PRINCIPLE 5 "Police seek and preserve public favor not by catering to the public opinion but by constantly demonstrating absolute impartial service to the law."This book is vital. It's also repetitive, discombobulated, and thinly stretched. If you come here looking for a straight through read, you'll certainly find some of what you're looking for, but it will be most likely be randomly scattered, tediously embedded, or otherwise ill structured. If you come here looking for one thing in particular, this work is unfortunately not indexed, and the bibliography is so choked with MLA citation that a needle in a haystack would be an all expenses paid for vacation. Now, I'm as brutally critical as I am due to my experience with government as a union steward who, even in the midst of undergoing chemo, has to deal with conniving HR telling the union one thing and the city council another when it comes to years-long overdue pay increases. Long story short, I want McHarris to get all he wants in this book and more, but the stories he tells and the facts he cites and the statistics he sources desperately needed to be threaded together and compactly set in a comprehensively rhetorical fashion; perhaps even as simple as picking one particularly strong concrete example (CAHOOTS up in Oregon could write a book all on its own) and cyclically clustering claims with their intended facts until the argument is all trussed up and ready to be sucked dry.
-Sir Robert Peel's Nine Principles of Policing, 1829
[I]f they are stealing because they are unable to meet their basic needs and are thus engaging in actions that may be harmful to themselves and others, moving beyond policing means looking for ways to ensure that they have their needs met so they don't feel as inclined to steal.
People are not seen as complex humans who may need support and who may be dealing with a range of realities shaped by an unjust world; they are simply addicts.As it stands, it was good the book ended when it did, considering the increasing frequency with which the same quote from Ruth Wilson Gilmore was trussed out in various formats within the last twenty pages. Because, let me tell you, when it comes to the police in the USA, you best be ready to tangle with the bubonic plague of all newspaper crises when it comes to lawyer talk, fearmongering, threats, sealioning, and flat out terrorism if I'm going to be honest about law and order in this settler state. What is it all worth, then? Well, I currently work in a tourisst trap city that is strapped to the gills with the sort of gilded folks that just loooooove their police force, except neighbors don't talk to each other, old time residents are graffitiing the public space due to not being able to pay cash for coffee anymore, the young have nowhere to go, the retired have nothing to do, and every time we run a library program, I meet someone who without our space may have ended up in a domestic violence dispute, or a foster care scenario, or on the other side would gladly feed a community center if zoning weren't so fucked. Long story short, even my pretty little paradise of a workplace suffers from putting all its faith in cops, and what with us having undergone a young white man being shot to death by police in an altercation where the victim was local enough to have been known as a child but not local enough to be granted a deescalation that didn't involve a shotgun full of bean bag rounds.
[T]he framework of "crime" does not capture the complex nature of safety. Throughout history—up to today—a large range of harmless activities have been criminalized. They include survival economies and activities that Black communities engage in routinely as part of everyday social life. While cigarettes are unhealthy, stores sell them every day. But selling loosies has been historically criminalized, and the criminalization of the practice led to the tragic murder of Eric Garner.
The police violence and carceral harm that academics help to enable often go unspoken, concealed by the veneer of scientific objectivity.In light of all that, I want the community experiments and the transformative fact finding and the legal loopholes turned executive strongholds, even around as simple as being able to put civilians in charge of traffic control (currently illegal in my state) so badly it hurts. I'm just not sure if this is the kind of book that is going to make the best use of someone who has my kind of experience but isn't already convinced about police abolitionism, especially when it comes to concrete stories, definable metrics, and the last 250 years of legal history. For whatever happens, it's going to be a long hard slog of meet, confer, protest, endure, meet, confer, research, present, meet, confer, make some minor gains, take some insulting losses, all the while the work week grinds on and no one gets any younger. As stated, McHarris is no Gilmore, but he strikes gold at times with his quotes, and all it takes is one brainstorm of an organization, a negotiator, a project/people/place fermenting a new way of community justice where poverty is not a crime and bigotry is not just deserts, and away the reader goes towards some sort of concrete action. My only ask is the reader keep on going and find the book that this piece should have been.
The [Pennsylvania State Police] engaged in labor repression and suppression tactics, many of which were drawn from imperial strategies of the Philippine Constabulary, which had been created to manage the US occupation of the Philippines, where officials engaged in counterinsurgency strategies to suppress dissent and maintain the broader imperial order.
The application of RICO — a law designed to tackle organized crime and later used to dismantle Black gangs while failing to address the systemic issues that had produced them — against peaceful protesters is indicative of the use of authoritarian and fascist approaches to preserve police power and quell dissent.
Policing has become a tool of economic mobility in Black communities. In a police-free world people will not see being a copy as one of the only viable options for stability because there will be, in the visions of many abolitionists, a society that guarantees that everyone has their basic needs, including food, housing, education, health care, and dignified work, met.