The Future of Power

by Joseph S. Nye Jr.

The Future of Power examines what it means to be forceful and effective in a world in which the traditional ideas of state power have been upended by technology, and rogue actors. Joseph S. Nye, Jr., a longtime analyst of power and a hands-on practitioner in government, delivers a new power narrative that considers the shifts, innovations, bold technologies, and new relationships that are defining the twenty-first century. He shows how power resources are adapting to the digital age and how smart power strategies must include more than a country's military strength. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, unsurpassed in military strength and ownership of world resources, the United States was indisputably the most powerful nation in the world. Today, China, Russia, India, and others are increasing their share of world power resources. Information once reserved for the government is now available for mass consumption. The Internet has literally put power at the fingertips of nonstate agents, allowing them to launch cyberattacks from their homes. The cyberage has created a new power frontier among states, ripe with opportunity for developing countries. To remain at the pinnacle of world power, the United States must adopt a strategy that designed for a global information age.

Genres: Politics, Nonfiction, International Relations, Political Science, History, Current Affairs, Military Fiction

322 pages, Kindle Edition

First published January 1, 2010

About the author

Joseph Samuel Nye Jr. was an American political scientist. He and Robert Keohane co-founded the international relations theory of neoliberalism, which they developed in their 1977 book Power and Interdependence. Together with Keohane, he developed the concepts of asymmetrical and complex interdependence. They also explored transnational relations and world politics in an edited volume in the 1970s. More recently, he pioneered the theory of soft power. His notion of "smart power" ("the ability to combine hard and soft power into a successful strategy") became popular with the use of this phrase by members of the Clinton Administration and the Obama Administration. These theories from Nye are very commonly seen in courses across the U.S., such as I.B. D.P. Global Politics.
Nye was the Dean of the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, where he later held the position of University Distinguished Service Professor, Emeritus. In October 2014, Secretary of State John Kerry appointed Nye to the Foreign Affairs Policy Board. He was also a member of the Defense Policy Board. He was a Harvard faculty member since 1964. He was a fellow of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences, a foreign fellow of the British Academy, and a member of the American Academy of Diplomacy.
The 2011 Teaching, Research, and International Policy (TRIP) survey of over 1,700 international relations scholars ranked Nye as the sixth most influential scholar in the field of international relations in the past 20 years. He was also ranked as one of the most influential figures in American foreign policy. In 2011, Foreign Policy magazine included him on its list of top global thinkers. In September 2014, Foreign Policy reported that international relations scholars and policymakers ranked Nye as one of the field's most influential scholars.

Reviews

[Ian Fleischmann · Rating 2 out of 5]

Nye broke ground in the 80's when he introduced the term "soft power." I say broke ground because he identified a theory attached to a phenomenon which diplomats had been invoking for generations. Unfortunately, this book treads no such 'new' ground. Nye focuses on what he defines as smart power, which is to say, the optimal mix of hard power, soft power, and other fun powers like cyber power. The concept seems tautological - the best mix of power is the mix of power which is best.

Honestly, this book feels like Nye had one of his kids' tuition bills coming due and needed to pump out book related to his theory and field with some current issues attached for selling power.

There is nothing in here you cannot extrapolate from Nye's earlier and more influential work along with a decent "intro to international relations" book.

[Mostafa Bushehri · Rating 4 out of 5]

ژورف نای، استاد روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه هاروارد، که خالق اصطلاح تازه‌ای در علم روابط بین‌الملل به نام «قدرت نرم» است در این کتاب کوشیده است که تعریفی از ماهیت و چیستی قدرت، مفاهیم، انواع و چگونگی به کارگیری آن در سطح سیاست بین‌الملل بدهد.

کتاب در 7 فصل به این موارد به صورت جداگانه می‌پردازد.

به طور کلی محورهای اصلی رئالیسم را در سطح بین‌الملل می‌شود در این موارد خلاصه کرد:
"دولت سالاری، بقا، خودیاری"
رئالیست‌ها دولت‌ها را بازیگران اصلی صحنه بین‌الملل میدانند.

در مقابل این رویکرد رویکرد دیگری در سطح روابط بین‌الملل وجود دارد به نام لیبرالیسم؛" برپایه این رویکرد در انسان مختصاتی وجود دارد که او را به سوی تشریک مساعی و انجام دادن کارهای خیر سوق می‌دهد و توجه انسان به رفاه سایرین زمینه‌های پیشرفت و ترقی را در جامعه بین‌الملل فراهم می‌کند."
"لیبرال‌ها دولت‌ها را به عنوان بازیگران اصلی صحنه بین‌الملل قبول ندارند بلکه معتقدند علاوه‌بر دولت‌ها سازمان‌ها، نهادها، انجمن‌ها و شرکت‌های چندملیتی نیز در صحنه بین‌الملل ایفای نقش می‌کنند."

اصطلاح «قدرت نرم» را عده‌ای نوعی رویکرد لیبرالی می‌دانند. ژوزف نای اما خیلی موافق این برچسب نیست و آن را تعارضی با رویکرد رئالیستی نمی‌داند. نای به همین خاطر دست به دامان یکی از بنیانگذاران رئالیسم، ماکیاولی، می‌شود و با نقل قولی از کتاب شهریار او به اثبات مدعای خود می‌پردازد:
"شاید صلاح یک شهریار بیشتر این باشد که از او بترسند، تا به او عشق بورزند. برای شهریار اما خطری بالاتر از این نیست که همگان از وی منزجر باشند."

نای معتقد است "تعارضی میان رئالیسم و قدرت نرم وجود ندارد. قدرت نرم نه آزمان‌باوری یا لیبرالیسم که تنها گونه ای از قدرت است و محملی برای کسب نتایج دلخواه."
تمام سعی نای بر این است که بگوید "یک استراتژی واقع گرای لیبرال قائل به اهمیت استراتژی کلان و منسجمی است که قدرت سخت را با چاشنی گیرای قدرت نرم در فرایند تبدیل این دو به قدرتی هوشمند درهم می‌آمیزد. آنگونه که پیروزی در جنگ سرد میوه و محصول آن بود."

نای سعی می‌کند اختلاف دیرین میان رئالیست‌ها و لیبرال‌ها را با آمیزه نوینی به نام قدرت هوشمند برطرف کند و آن را «واقع گرایی لیبرال»می‌نامد. نای را می‌شود به صورتی یک واقع‌گرای لیبرال نامید. او سعی دارد که دیگر وجوه قدرت را نیز بیان کند و نشان دهد قدرت تنها در قدرت سخت خلاصه نمی‌شود و همینطور در قدرت نرم نیز خلاصه نمی‌شود و این دو، شرط لازمِ قدرت اند و نه کافی!

پ.ن:
یک فصل از کتاب عینا تکرار یک فصل از کتابِ "آیا قرن آمریکا به پایان رسیده است؟" نوشته همین جناب ژورف نای است. که در لینک زیر می‌توانید آن را مشاهده فرمایید.
link: my link text

کتابی از فرید زکریا با ترجمه احمد عزیزی خوانده بودم که ترجمه خوب و قابل قبولی بود اما متاسفانه در این ترجمه ایشان نتوانستند به خوبی ترجمه را انجام دهند. شاید باید گذاشت به حساب اینکه کتاب زکریا ژورنالیستی‌تر و کتاب نای آکادمیک‌تر است.

[Ldrutman Drutman · Rating 5 out of 5]

Special to the Los Angeles Times


In January, Chinese President Hu Jintao was in Washington. And while he and President Obama forged ahead on trade deals and wink-to-the-press bromides of cooperation, many Americans are not so optimistic about what China's rise means. In a recent poll, 61% view China as "a threat to American jobs and economic security." One increasingly hears the sotto voce warnings that our children will soon be learning Confucius at the feet of our new Chinese overlords.

Then again, maybe not. For geopolitical prognostications of a less alarmist varietal, with nuanced notes of optimism about U.S. ingenuity and leadership, try "The Future of Power." In it, Joseph S. Nye Jr., Harvard professor and National Intelligence Council chair under President Bill Clinton, has distilled wide-ranging observations on how the power game will work in the 21st century and why America is poised to remain No. 1 if it plays it smart and heeds his advice. Whether it's navigating the political waves of the Middle East or the diplomatic dance with China, the book offers a generous batch of insights.

Nye is famous for coining the phrase "soft power," the foreign policy application of the old folk wisdom about winning more flies with honey than with vinegar. Now in his new book comes an updated catchphrase: "smart power, the combination of the hard power of coercion and payment with the soft power of persuasion and attraction." It's push and pull, carrots and sticks; the recognition, as Machiavelli would say, that it is truly best to be loved and feared.

But what's really new is that this is the 21st century, where power is more multidimensional, more diffuse and hence more complicated. On top of nations and armies, there are more sprawling multinational corporations, more and more powerful nongovernmental organizations and disruptive terrorist networks.

And most important, there is the Internet, which is upending traditional power relations faster than people can write books about it. Take Egypt. Online activism played a key role in mobilizing anti-government protesters. Power doesn't just grow out of the barrel of a gun anymore — it also grows out of a Facebook wall post and a Twitter feed. But only if 1,000 people pass it on.

In such an environment, Nye writes, leaders "need to think of themselves as being in a circle rather than atop a mountain." Forget about power over others; the 21st century will be all about power with others, about organizing coalitions and solving collective action problems. "The world is neither unipolar, multipolar, nor chaotic," he explains, "it is all three at the same time."

And yet while the electrifying possibilities of diffusion have complicated the picture, nations still have the most resources, which still makes them the stars (for now). And no nation combines hard and soft power like America, whose open, innovative, democratic culture plus military might should keep it in first place in the Nye power rankings for years to come — assuming its leaders are smart enough to convert those resources into lasting alliances and international orders and not squander them on brash bullying.

By contrast, Nye assesses China as far weaker. Its political system lacks legitimacy, and the "Chinese economy faces serious obstacles of transition from inefficient state-owned enterprises, growing inequality, massive internal migration."

Nye is a savvy and respected analyst, and he doesn't disappoint here. He's grappling with the hardest of questions, and though "The Future of Power" can at times read somewhat meanderingly, it's the best kind of meandering: a learned journey through big ideas of what power means and how it is ever-evolving.

[Amir · Rating 5 out of 5]

اگر بخوام ۱۰ کتاب تاثیر گذار در زندگی ام رو انتخاب کنم قطعا این کتاب تو این فهرست جا خواهد داشت.

[Mallory · Rating 5 out of 5]

A fascinating book, full of suggestions for how the next century could go. I'll definitely keep this book in mind when I think about geopolitics.

[Amir Soleimani · Rating 3 out of 5]

ترجمۀ دوست خوبم آرش فرزاد و محمد حیدری را خواندم.

[Fred Leland · Rating 5 out of 5]

Great book

A great book that will help you understand smart power or the balance of persuasion and force in an effort to lead the United States into the future.

[Francis · Rating 4 out of 5]

ترجمه بسیار بدی داره

[Abdallah Moh · Rating 3 out of 5]

-        كتاب : مستقبل القوة .

من إصدارات المركز القومي للترجمة . وترجمة : احمد عبدالحميد نافع

 

يتناول المؤلف وهو أستاذ العلوم السياسية في جامعة هارفرد الامريكية المفهوم المتطور للقوة الممكنة للدول للهيمنة والسيطرة . مبتعدا عن المفهوم التقليدي لقوة السيطرة والتي تكون باحتلال المساحات على الارض او الهجوم على الدول المعادية , ليشرح ان إمتلاك القوة تغيرت أساليبه وطرقه .

 

معتمدا على شرح القوة الذكية والتي تعتمد على عدة محاور منها : التهديد بالقوة – او المكافأة بالدعم – او الوعد بالدفاع والمساندة . حيث أن الهيمنة على الدول اصبحت تتطلب العديد من الطرق قد يكون أضعفها التهديد بالقوة .

 

كما تناول المؤلف جانب مهم وقد يعد السلاح الانجع وهو: القوة الناعمة : التي لها عدة اوجه من دعم معنوي او اقتصادي او سيطرة الكترونية وبرامجية وتقنية الى جانب الوجه الإعلامي والسينمائي والأدبي . وكيف ان الاتجاه الى سعي الدولة الباغية للهيمنة على تعزيز نشر ثقافتها في المحيط الهدف وان هذا اكثر أمناً واوفر ماديا واطول تأثيرا من استخدام القوة العنيفة للتغير .

 

----

الكتاب تناول أبعاد القوى المسيطرة على العالم من بدايات القرن العشرين تقريبا من ثنائي القطب الى أحادي الى وضع سيناريوهات ثلاثي او رباعي الاقطاب واحتمالية المواجهات من عدمها واستحالتها .

 

الهيمنة الامريكية , القوة الر��سية , التخطيط والعمل الصيني , الافول الاوربي وغيرها من مراكز القوى الكونية تم تناولها في هذا الكتاب

[Christopher · Rating 3 out of 5]

Interesting book. The author was referenced by Lee Kuan Yew in a speech about geopolitics, and is an adjunct professor of political sociology at Harvard. LKY was also referenced several times throughout this book, so the respect seems to be genuine and mutual.

That said, I’d prefer reading from the books written by LKY, since he had the experience in the trenches as a leader rising to power and operating from the inside out — rather than an observer looking from the outside in, like Nye. Nye still makes some good points, however —especially about the need to balance and leverage both hard and soft power — as well as how economic power is becoming much more important than military power in the 21st century.

Much better and more practical than a book like Machiavelli’s ‘The Prince,’ especially for modern times.

[fer · Rating 3 out of 5]

plantea una visión del poder muy actualizada y con conceptos interesantes como el poder blando.
bastante chapas pero de eso se trata supongo.

[Ron · Rating 3 out of 5]

A repeating of steps made before by the famous Joseph S. Nye, elaborating on the future of Soft power, hard power and (the aggregate) smart power.

I liked the part where he discusses the countries separately, many books tend to focus overly on US-European sides of power relations.

Favourite parts:

"Ironically, an economic term took on a political life of its own despite the fact that Russia fit poorly in the category. As the Beijing Review commented, “When Goldman Sachs created the acronym BRIC in 2001, neither the economists nor the rest of the world imagined that Brazil, Russia, India and China would finally sit together to build up a substantial platform one day.”42 In June 2009, the foreign ministers of the four countries met in Yekaterinburg, Russia, to transform “a catchy acronym into an international force to be reckoned with.”"

"Despite the rhetoric, there are serious obstacles to an alliance between China and Russia that goes much beyond tactical diplomatic coordination. As a French analyst summarizes, “Despite some significant successes, their bilateral engagement continues to be partial and ambivalent.... Russia and China have contrasting world-views, different approaches to foreign policy and sometimes conflicting priorities.” 60 The demographic situation in the Far East, where the population on the Russian side of the border is 6 million and on the China side is up to 120 million, creates a degree of anxiety in Moscow. Russia’s economic and military decline have increased its concern about the rise of Chinese power. As President Medvedev says, “If Russia does not secure its presence in the Far East, it could eventually ‘lose everything’ to the Chinese.”"

"Just as there is lingering suspicion in the Sino-Russian relationship, so there is a similar rivalry between India and China. Even though the two countries signed agreements in 1993 and 1996 that promised peaceful settlement of the border dispute that had led them to war in l962, it is also worth noting that India’s defense minister labeled China as India’s “potential enemy number one” just prior to India’s nuclear tests in March l998, and the border dispute became controversial again in 2009. Even though Indian officials have become more discrete in public about relations with China, their concerns remain intense in private.70 Rather than becoming an ally, India is more likely to become part of the group of Asian nations that will tend to balance China."

[Jimmy · Rating 4 out of 5]

The Future of Power was written by the man who coined the term "soft power" in the 1980s and is an expert on foreign affairs.  Joseph S. Nye Jr. first gained acclaim when he founded, with Robert Keohane, the idea of neoliberalism, as it relates to international relations.  It is one of the two major approaches, with neorealism, that govern the field.  

Borrowing from the wikipedia entry, neoliberalism is "a school of thought which believes that states are, or at least should be, concerned first and foremost with absolute gains rather than relative gains to other states."  Neorealism is a theory "that says power is the most important factor in international relations."  Nye's work with neoliberalism led to his development of the term "soft power."  His definition boils down to this excerpt from his book on the subject, called Soft Power:

"A country may obtain the outcomes it wants in world politics because other countries – admiring its values, emulating its example, aspiring to its level of prosperity and openness – want to follow it. In this sense, it is also important to set the agenda and attract others in world politics, and not only to force them to change by threatening military force or economic sanctions. This soft power – getting others to want the outcomes that you want – co-opts people rather than coerces them."

All of this matters for The Future of Power because Nye advocates that the strongest America will maintain it's ability to utilize soft power.  He does not support the notion that America is in decline but does not say that the idea is impossible.  

I learned a ton from this book and found it relatively reassuring about our place in the world.  Read it if you are interested at all in international relations.  

[Chad Manske · Rating 4 out of 5]

Nye’s 2011 book on power as an instrument of statecraft is framed primarily, and ultimately, by his coined smart power terminology. He smartly brings all instruments of power to the table by chapter, including a very good portion on cyber and information, weaving a compelling narrative that leaves the reader hopeful for future US global strength.

[Alyssa · Rating 3 out of 5]

As far as school reading goes, this has been one of the better books of the semester.

After discussing various aspects of power (economic, military, soft, and cyber), Nye then proceeded to explain "America's decline in power", which he actually argues is not as apparent as pessimists might assume. Nye takes a much different stance, stating that he does not believe that rising countries have the potential to surpass America in the next few decades, but he does concede that America has its own fair share of problems that must be addressed, such as poor quality of lower education and avoiding xenophobia.

This was an easy read that was very informative; however, I had already been exposed to many of the ideas in the book beforehand through reading other books by the author and watching a video lecture of his on the subject.

[Sói · Rating 3 out of 5]

Tập trung nói về quyền lực của Mỹ nên coi cho biết vậy. Nhiều khái niệm địa chính trị và quyền lực mềm. Ghi chú:

Bành trướng đế quốc quá khả năng: Liên Xô.

Quyền lực mềm và quyền lực thông minh chủ yếu tập trung vào việc kể được một câu chuyện có sức nặng để gây áp lực hoặc nhận được sự đồng tình hơn là sử dụng biện pháp quân sự.

Mỹ với vai trò là người dẫn đầu trong thị trường quốc tế, thường xuyên đưa ra các biện pháp trừng phạt kinh tế. Trừng phạt kinh tế ít khi có tác dụng (đã có nhiều thất bại trước kia, đặc biệt là lúc muốn phế truất Fidel Castro), nhưng nó là giải pháp thay thế cho việc không thể sử dụng quyền lực quân sự vì nhiều lý do (chi phí quá cao, lý do chính trị khác...). Tuy trừng phạt mậu dịch không thể gây ra hậu quả trực tiếp cho một nước nhưng còn có tác dụng chứng minh quyền ảnh hưởng với thế giới.

[Puwa · Rating 5 out of 5]

Power should not be for greed, it is an evolving science and art of practice, the author Joseph Nye, Jr. fragments power into three, soft power, hard power, and smart power with the context of carrot or stick. Developing a single index of power is supposed to fail because power depends upon human relationships that vary in a different context. Example money power decides the purchasing power, and the power of military forces and combat proficiency overreacts on the territorial and terrorism neutralization. The definition of power reflects their interests and values. In practice, discussion of power in global affairs military power and economic power are hybrids that combine both resources and behaviors.

The author narrates abuse of power, an individual or a group “do something they don’t want to do”, but the expectation is not legitimate or feasible therefore, I delight to quote here one day dogs will stop barking. The information age of the power revolution keeps changing in the international institutions based on the need and propaganda as we have experience in global politics. Power behavioral science is a sociopsychology context in the effective power strategy, for example, the armed forces commanding to win battles (hard power) and the armed forces help in providing relief in co-optive win hearts and minds (soft power) which develops the hybrid mechanism in power. As the author said, Malawi conquered with a handful of troops, fewer than one hundred thousand soldiers and administrators ruled more than 300 million Indians and Sri Lankans, but the secret of success was ability to divide the target population and to co-opt with the local allies more than the technology and military power.

In the foreign policies of twenty first century armament and bombardment mad races do not effect to win the expectancy, indeed it was in the nineteenth century, example the United State and Japan today’s economic relation totally different than 1853. The superpowers falling take advantages and as I presumed the following four will never be constructed superpower indeed it has identified arbitrary, gunpower, the industrial revolution, the second industrial revolution, and current ICT revolution because the watches and time are with different people’s hand in the world.

The author stresses the four modalities for competency and legitimacy, that arguments are not only for the military war affairs but in my focus it must be applied into the context of the organizational behavior as an effective instrument. The world fighting to defeat the pandemic in order to solidarity with coercive diplomacy across the national boards for better outcomes to protect the world by having heart of alliance relations as the key to a successful strategy to break the pandemic chain and provide humanitarian assistance to enhance both hard and soft power.

The world is interdependent in the globalized networking world, geoeconomics power is one of the important factors that play a vital role in geopolitics. The diplomacy between the countries secured the local and international trade policy, but the political pressure by the internal or external pressure groups makes collateral damage to the economic relationship, as I consider economic war. For example, Europe temporarily suspended the GSP Plus for Sri Lanka, and it has been restored after 2015 by the good governance, India’s Sethusamudram shipping canal project is the biggest economic threat for Sri Lanka, China’s Silk line can dominate neighboring countries domestic and foreign trade but all these issues can be sorted out within the international economic policy framework. This interoperable system should be ensured robustness and not arbitrary in the global platform.

The planet supplies natural resources for millions of years in order to fulfill human needs. However, the natural resources supply is limited and depreciated and it’s complicated, as Nye said that Japan is the second richest country in the world without significant natural resources, major oil producing territory has fewer water resources, and the resources are unequal and unbalanced, the processing system after the input should create balance in the form of trade and distribution. Developing culture of dependency and corruption eliminating extreme poverty by 2025 as Jeffery Sachs’s thought should planned development aid particularly for the current pandemic as a fundamental priority not only for the vaccination but also other relief packages and incentivize for debts and payments, put money on peoples’ hands to spend carefully planning by the governing body to generate economic power by building up allies to impose growth promoting reforms.

As the author said soft power rest on three basic resources culture, politics, and foreign policies. Culture in soft power attracts universal, national, and social classes and they influence each other. In 2008 financial crisis soft power became a keyword, and there are three phases of power behavior, inducing others to do like fines and expulsion, framing and setting agenda, and shaping others preferences are soft powers in order to successfully attract and create credibility.

In my conclusion, I highly recommend this book for all categories of readers such as executives, non-executives, professionals, and students for them to develop leadership skills and personal skills development to maintain their CPD and PDP within the frame of management of organizational behavior by applying the three types of power. My greeting to Prof. Joseph Nye for his invaluable effort for the betterment of global citizens.

[Jason S · Rating 4 out of 5]

Interesting account of how 'smart power' is essential to American success in the 21st century. A good set of responses to those who see inevitable American decline.

[Frits Brouwer · Rating 3 out of 5]

Former Dean of the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University and co-founder of neoliberalism within international relations theory in 1977, Joseph S. Nye, Jr. (1937) is widely noted and highly acclaimed for his development of the field of political science. Nye gained particular significance for coining the term ‘soft power’ in his 1990 book The Power to Lead. The concept suited demands of the current global power system so remarkably well that it was quoted by political leaders as disparate as Barack Obama and Hu Jintao.

Combining knowledge on the classic notion of hard power and the newly coined soft variant, Nye in 2011 begun to explicitly advocate the strategic and target-specific combined utilization of the two according to a concept he baptized ‘smart power’. The following essay seeks to expound Nye’s ideas on the dimensions of hard, soft, and smart power. In the first place, a concise outline of the definition and elaboration of all three concepts will be provided. In the second place, a few points of criticism will be given in a review of both the applicability of the general theory to the global political system and the specificities of primarily soft power that Nye sometimes tends to ignore.

Power as influence

In an era in which global power becomes increasingly diffused and states are no longer the only primary actors on the global stage, defining the notion of power is both necessary and incredibly complex. Nye assumes the perspective that power constitutes “the ability to get what you want”, siding with mainstream social psychological approaches to the topic of power that view power as the influence one individual or a group of individuals is able to exert over another. At its core, power is contextual in nature: influence is always exerted within a specific scope – the actors within the power relationship –, and relates to certain topics – the domain of power. In global politics, Nye distinguishes two takes on power: the resource-based approach, based on an actor’s military and economic provisions; and the relational approach, entailing the ability to influence an actor’s behaviour.

Three relational strategies, or ‘faces’, are identified. The first face is based on the coercive functioning of threats and rewards to prompt an actor to perform a desired behaviour. Slightly more subtle in its workings, the second involves the ability to set an actor’s agenda, thereby limiting both the actor’s options and the scope of relevant topics. The third face is the manipulative: the ability to shape an actor’s beliefs, perceptions, and preferences; or, phrased differently, dominance over a certain discourse. These faces of power are loosely linked to the three dimensions in general power types: hard power, soft power, and smart power.

Hard power

Hard power is the first-face, resource-based approach central to realist political theories, and entails coercion and reward in its strategy to influence. Hence, hard power may be defined in terms of economic, military, and institutional resources. The power of many significant global actors, and primarily the US, hinges upon a superior military supported by steadily growing and high-level economic performance. With regard to conventional military power, American resources, and therefore potential for intervention and hard-power display are virtually unequaled throughout the world – a reason for a plethora of actors to attempt strategies that render conventional tactics close to defunct. Economically, however, the rise of the BRICS, and China in particular, may increase the need for the USA to assume a more co-optive stance in global relations, especially given the shift in power emphasis from military to economic global significance.

Soft power

Soft power approaches, depending on the appeal emanating from a specific actor, have recently increased in significance. Over the past decades, the wide dissemination of information and possibility of communication across the globe has spurred not only global trade, but international interaction in unprecedented ways. These developments led to a wide diversification of global actors, and hence the inclusion of NGOs, TNCs, global activist movements, and terrorist franchises like al-Qaeda in Nye’s power equation. Along the same lines, however, it increased the ability of states to exert mostly undetected influence in the form of soft power, divided in a direct and an indirect causal model. In the first model, states use resources to attract government elites, which in turn leads to favourable elite decisions. The second, somewhat more contentious, uses resources to attract or repel publics, influencing elite decision-making through influence of the environment.

Smart power

Smart power is the target-specific application of coercion and subliminal, often unnoticed attraction like the immersion in an attractive culture, and hence simply the combination of soft and hard power. Counter-insurgency stragegies like those developed by Petraeus and McCrystal in Iraq and Afghanistan, simultaneously featuring crackdowns on terrorists and winning the broad support of the general population, are one prominent recent example. Most state power, however, contains both building blocks and ensures careful exploitation of these options. The USSR targeted resistance with coercion, but devised a complicated system of Party rewards for the obedient, and its effective domestic propaganda added greatly to the government’s legitimacy. American soft power spreads through the world-wide consumption of Coca-Cola, through the USA’s dominance at the Olympics, and through Hollywood movies and detectives often depicting the benevolence of the FBI and CIA; but it also spreads through the use of the military for training or aid in case of humanitarian disasters. Typically a soft-power application of a hard-power resource, the latter once more depicts the distinction between hard and soft power to be merely the difference between two building blocks. Only when combined in a target-oriented manner can these lead to the effective exertion of power in interpersonal, domestic, and interstate relationships. In an era of diversification of situations, both the number and the type of targets grows, boosting the appeal of attractive narratives in the power approach to current global developments.

General criticism

Despite its thorough nature, Nye’s analysis fails to answer a couple of questions. With regard to his general theory, he partially disregards the danger that an increased soft-power approach may call for propagandic measures. These may undermine the US’s own ideals of liberty and democracy by limiting the number of perspectives available in its domestic discourse, as well as call for a redefinition of freedom which now seems mostly defined in terms of non-coercion. In addition, the US’s democratic narrative, prompting dissenting factions in other countries to elicit violence in an occupying government and hence implicitly forcing the USA to intervene, may prove dangerous to itself,. This already happened in Kosovo, and it is not unlikely that this partly accounts for the recent developments in Syria.

On the other hand, one could raise ethnic concerns about the ease with which Nye talks about military power and intervention. As soft power implies making people want what they do without either civilians losing their lives in the process or sowing the seed of discontent and preparing the ground for popular uprisings, one could argue that soft power approaches should always be favoured to the exertion of hard power.
In addition, although shortly touching upon it, Nye does not elaborate on the increasing dominance of other narratives besides the American, like the Chinese, the Brazilian, and the Indian. Will the development of other narratives lead to a clash of narratives akin to the clash of civilizations predicted by Huntington, or will growing economic interdependence cause integration of these types of discourse into a hybrid global narrative?

Specific criticisms

The following entails criticism of some of Nye’s specific ideas. Firstly, although briefly mentioning it, Nye does not translate the significance of domestic societal openness to policy recommendations.
Secondly, the role of the United Nations Security Council in establishing international law has almost become insurpassable even for the US, and the relatively less resourceful Russian Federation is given the possibility to exert a greater influence through the UN than might otherwise have been the case.
In addition, apart from a few remarks on colonialism, Nye fails to include Sub-Saharan Africa, with its great potential in both human resources and raw materials, in his power equation, seemingly assuming the African continent will, despite its incredible population growth and increasing search for affirmation of its global relevance, not be a force to be reckoned with within the coming half-century.
Lastly, Nye’s offhanded response to the potential risk the rise of China poses to American dominance may be a bit too premature. With markets for Chinese products rapidly growing in Africa and other developing regions as well as in China itself, the PRC may capitalize on these markets to support its economy . Having reached a point at which it is more than able to compete with the US, China may then decide to dump its dollars, causing the collapse of the American economy, thereby solidifying China’s leading economic role.

Conclusion

In The Future of Power, Joseph Nye gives an adequate account of current global developments and the types of power prompted by changing relationships. He correctly indicates that the lines between hard power and soft power are blurring now traditional hard power resources are utilized to enhance a state’s soft power. The distinction between the three types, however, is one of more theoretical than practical use. The integration of both types of power tailored to the needs of specified contexts is necessary to win the hearts of populations while simultaneously eliminating immediate risks; and co-optive stances may prove more beneficial than coercive. However, Nye’s America-centric approach causes him to disregard the rise of Africa, the threat China may pose, and the role of the UN in global power balances. Soft power, conceptually, also harbours several paradoxes to the American narrative. Despite the impossibility of predicting the future of power, Nye’s account needs to answer a few more questions before being truly balanced.

[I'll Make You Think Smart · Rating 4 out of 5]

Those of you who read my book suggestions on a regular basis know how I usually get acquainted with the books I read. I bump into them, pure and simple, and the same happened with Joseph Nye’s book The Future of Power.

I found the book in a bookshop, turned a couple of pages, and took it alongside with a few others.

The Future of Power wasn’t Nye’s latest book (I checked before going for a compulsive purchase), but it looked like a relevant read. Especially because I am always eager to learn more about international relations and all the influence games that happen out there.

Interestingly, however, the book taught me a lot more than international relations. I had no idea prior to purchasing it, but The Future of Power has provided me with ideas that can be easily applied to business and to our daily routine (see my food for thought section down the page).

Interesting, right? Not that surprising, however, considering that business, reputation-building and all these stuff we all struggle with on a daily basis all involve some sort of power. And that’s precisely what this book is about. Ways to understand and exercise some sort of power.

Joseph Nye on The Future of Power: brief book review (for starters).

As always on I’ll Make You Think Smart, let me start with a brief overview of what the book is about.

As I just mentioned and as the title suggests, The Future of Power is a book about … Power.

Meh. I know. That’s not very helping.

What’s more interesting, though, is the way Joseph Nye talks about power.

On the one hand, Nye is a renowned political scientist so his approach is very academic (in a good way). He provides a framework in which he explains his thinking and then elaborates on his ideas.

In short, he discusses a heavy topic, but he does it in a logical way which every reader can actually go for. For instance, the book starts with two quotes from Hillary Clinton and Barak Obama explaining that power is a matter of prudence, justice, and alliances. And that gives a good idea of how the whole story develops. Said differently, you don’t need a Ph.D. in politics to read this book.

Joseph Nye The future of power soft power hard power smart power book review book summary I'll Make You Think SmartOn the other hand, Joseph Nye’s book is interesting because the author really tries to make the discussion practical.

As the author explains very early, (and many authors don’t take the time to start what they are about to say), the whole discussion focuses on explaining “how will power work and how it is changing in the twenty-first century”.

Perhaps that’s just me, but this sentence hooked me up. One, looking ahead isn’t something everybody does, so books on the topic are usually very interesting. Two, the topic is also very much in line with current (trendy) debates on the future of technology in our modern worlds, which makes it interesting considering that it was published a little while ago, in 2011.

Read my full review of The Future of Power.

[Matthew Christopher · Rating 4 out of 5]

It's always interesting to go back and read these books a few years after they're written to see if predictions or recommendations were followed. It is at least in part unfortunate that in this case, at least in the past three years, the United States has sprinted in the opposite direction of Nye's opinion of what it should do. This is not to say that I am in agreement with everything he says or recommends. For example I do not necessarily agree that it is in the best interest of the United States or the world to continue to have an outsized presence on the world stage. (To be fair, I also do not necessarily agree that it is in the best interest of the United States or the world for the United States to maintain a global empire, but I do understand that I am reading a work that presupposes that I am wrong in that belief.) Clearly, the US has decided that it will not pursue a policy of what Nye calls "smart power." Indeed, the US has apparently decided that it will become more isolationist and only project hard power to the world. We will see what happens as a result. We certainly do live in interesting times!

[Deepanshu Aggarwal · Rating 3 out of 5]

Repetitive at places, The Future of Power essentially conveys through 250+ pages what can be conveyed through a trite essay : The nature of power is changing, thanks to many factors. Acknowledge and register the change, lest you want to become irrelevant. Smart power is not just brute military power but also soft power, the generation of which depends on a country's principles, ethos, political climate and structure and a host of other factors. Combine the different elements of power into a dynamic/potent mixture that can alter its individual ingredients' concentrations depending on the context.

Can avoid the book if you've read the author's Soft Power. Go for the author's lecture to grab the essential message.

[Maria · Rating 3 out of 5]

Nye postulates that as countries and states vie for influence (a.k.a. power) they have turned to hard power (military might) and soft power (persausion, cultural influence) and that now more than ever states will have to rely on balance of smart power (hard and soft) to get what they want.

Why I started this book: One of my many library downloads that is due next week.

Why I finished it: I'm listening to books as fast as I can because all my holds came at the same time. It's a race to the due date and so far I'm winning. That being said, this book was a lot of common sense spelled out. Nothing new, but a good reminder of what is needed.

[Lara · Rating 4 out of 5]

gostei da maneira que o Nye aborda os comportamentos de poder, seja hard power; soft power ou cyber power e como esse poderes estão sendo difundidos dos atores estatais para os não estatais, como organizações não governamentais e até mesmo grupos terroristas.

outro ponto que achei interessante foi a conceituação do sistema internacional como um jogo de xadrez/tabuleiro de três níveis e que por isso, consegue ser unipolar e multipolar ao mesmo tempo.

a leitura flui bem porque o Nye sempre relaciona os conceitos apresentados com casos dentro da política internacional. as vezes ele elogia demais os estados unidos, principalmente na questão relativa ao declínio norte-americano.

[Christian · Rating 3 out of 5]

For someone not well versed in international politics/relations this is certainly a good addendum to a curriculum introducing terms and ways to think about power. Nye spells out important aspects of power and differing approaches to its possible use in a clearly accessible manner. Still, one cannot help, that the main conundrum remains shrouded in somewhat tautological terms, as a reviewer before already noted: once his premises about soft and hard power, which aren't so controversial in itself, I'd say, are given, his conclusion about smart power is that, well, you have to use the powers at your hand - smart.

[Dennis Murphy · Rating 4 out of 5]

The Future of Power by Joseph Nye is a classic in the field, even if its empirics are increasingly out of date. At its heart, the text is a back to basics approach to International Power, its foundations, some changes facing the international system, and what can be done about it. It reminded me a bit of Schelling. The cyber chapter needs some reworking, and the Smart Power policy advocacy could also use a bit of an update, but the fundamentals are pretty robust here for someone looking for a basic introduction to power in international politics.

[Brenden Siekman · Rating 3 out of 5]

"Democracy promotion is better achieved by soft attraction than by hard coercion."

"The United States will need a smart power strategy and narrative that stresses Alliances, institutions, and networks that are responsive to the new context of the global information age. For success in the 21st century, the United States needs to rediscover how to be a smart power."

Smart power is adept use of hard and soft power to best achieve strategic aims

[Zoë Routh · Rating 4 out of 5]

needs an update since Russia invaded Ukraine

The premise of the book is sound: smart power- a balance of hard power (force and coercion) and soft power (negotiation and influence) creates smart power - strategic use of collective action to create the outcomes you want.

Published in 2011, it does not have the insights from Trumpism, Russia, and Israeli-Hamas wars to add depth to the analysis. Hard power is still being wielded like a sledgehammer.

[Sean · Rating 3 out of 5]

I feel it is worth reading, but just like many books that trys to introduce something new it was vauge at times, and spent a lot more pages talking about the pro's and con's of hard and soft power rather than just Smart power. One interesting facet is that Nye's recommendations for what US shouldn't be is irely similar to what it currently becoming.

[Charles · Rating 3 out of 5]

Excellent academic explanation of 'smart power' from the political scientist who helped bring the concept of 'soft power' into the mainstream. Surprisingly readable and accessible despite the academic rigor that went into the text. Highly recommended for an understanding of modern political science from one of the greats.