I highly recommend the book. The introduction is eloquent yet concise and explains Foucault's significance beyond the university into the worlds of political activism, the practice of health, and for society at-large. I'd use the remaining nine chapters as guides alongside whichever book of Foucault's you happen to be reading.
Perhaps Oksala's biggest achievement is how she unifies Foucault's sprawling oeuvre--from sexuality to medicine to psychiatry--within the same larger research "project." Foucault's core mission, Oksala writes, is to expand human freedom. This he does by exposing the artificiality of modern institutions, whose ostensible "scientific-ness" and objectivity mask forms of discipline, conformity, and control that inhibit individual flourishing and uniqueness.
Foucault is at heart a critical historian, and his analytical target is the modern institution of the 19th century. For in this era, scientific advances transformed medicine, psychiatry, public health, and criminology into "disciplines." Newly enshrined with the authority of science, these fields established goalposts for appropriate human behavior, while the knowledge they generated was deployed for the technocratic management of populations. As such, they advanced a "normalizing" conformity that pathologized and, conversely, privileged only certain forms of being human, such as in the realm of mental health. Yet, Foucault argues, these presumptively "objective" discourses are anything but. They are social constructions designed to advance the goals of the prevailing system of power of any given time period. When people realize this--that the constraints imposed on psychological and physical expression are, at root, artifices--they become capable of sloughing them off and acting in ways more honest to their true selves.
Such discourses evolve and shift over time, as new "power/knowledge" dyads emerge from one historical period, or "episteme," to another. In "Discipline and Punish," for example, Foucault contrasts carceral discipline in two different eras. In the first, a murderer is put to death in a ghastly, public way. In the second, a criminal is incarcerated, his behavior controlled by an omniscient monitoring apparatus. This contrast, between a physically painful execution and a psychologically terrifying imprisonment, show how discourses around power—and the mechanisms used to express it--change over time. Yet, despite their differences, both systems share a common goal: that of “disciplining” people, bodies, and populations.
As systems of power grow more sophisticated and less reliant on physical punishment to enforce compliance, Foucault argued in his later work on "governmentality," forms of social control become more subtle, inserting themselves deeper into the human psyche. This can compel individuals to voluntarily conform themselves with the goals of the prevailing system of power, such as by internalizing "ideal" conceptions of mental health. But adopting these behaviors may come at the expense of individual uniqueness, possibly exacerbating feelings of internal stigma or shame for non-conforming individuals.
Foucault's hope seems to be that when we recognize these forces for what they are--as historically contingent social constructions advancing power under the cover of "knowledge"--we can unshackle our psyches, liberating ourselves and, in turn, society. "His idea of productive power--power that produces and incites rather than represses and censors forms of experience and knowledge--has provided valuable tools for challenging conservative political views on sexuality, gender, delinquency, and mental illness," Oksala writes (4).
Yet the call to freedom can also be interpreted as a call to petty anarchy. Take the recent Covid-19 protests, in which anti-vaxxers equated public health mandates with the expansion of a frightening "biopolitical police state" (see Colebrook 2023). Is this an unfair misappropriation of Foucault? Or did his blanket criticism of medicine and public health possibly feed these movements, giving them a veneer of intellectual respectability? In the United States, political opportunists frequently and dramatically raise the specter of an insidious "administrative deep state," a charge that echoes in part Foucault's criticism of technocratic governance? Apart from advocating for "productive power," what concrete political option does Foucault propose for improving on the current order? Why doesn't his analysis of power more strongly engage with the institution of the state?