Considerations on Representative Government

by John Stuart Mill

In this powerful work, John Stuart Mill sets forth representative government as the most sensible compromise between unreflective rule by the masses and the self-indulgence of the few. The reader may sense that Mill is being pulled in opposing steadfastly committed to majority rule with minority rights while at the same time being just enough of an aristocrat to believe that the masses need examplars to emulate.On Representative Government is one of the most compelling political essays of the 19th century.

Genres: Philosophy, Politics, Nonfiction, Classics, History, Law, Sociology

Paperback

First published January 1, 1861

About the author

John Stuart Mill, English philosopher, political economist, civil servant and Member of Parliament, was an influential liberal thinker of the 19th century. He was an exponent of utilitarianism, an ethical theory developed by Jeremy Bentham, although his conception of it was very different from Bentham's.

Reviews

[Mir · Rating 4 out of 5]

Mill published this in 1860, but it reminded me of his much earlier comments on Toqueville's criticisms in "Democracy in America" that democracy as a system promoted mediocrity and could lead to tyranny of the masses. Mill was concerned about the increasing popularity of the Labour party and feared that control of the Empire by elites would wane as populism waxed. He advocated democracy-limiting legislative measures to preserve the role of merit and intelligence against the danger of a low grade of intelligence in the representative body and in the popular opinion which controls it. He felt that direct rule by the masses would unavoidably be ill-informed and self-interested. Democracy itself, however, was desirable because it resulted in patriotism and civic engagement; democratic involvement was therefore beneficial to the populace, if not necessarily good for the country itself. National leaders should strive to educate their citizenry in civic virtue, just as "civilized nations" worked to educate their "dependencies" (note that Mill had worked for the East India Company). Although this position may strike modern readers as paternalistic, the text is a good representation of the issues that resonated with late-nineteenth-century Liberals.

Some of the specific changes Mill recommended:
-establishment of a professional legislative committee to write laws and submit them for Parliamentary approval.
-limiting suffrage to the literate (of both sexes).
-creating a second house of men of intellectual merit and distinction to check the power of the House of Commons.
-an executive judiciary and bureaucracy immune from popular vote or recall.
-multiple votes for university graduates.
-proportional representation of minorities in Parliament.

[Mickey Dubs · Rating 2 out of 5]

Exceedingly dull. Avoid!

[Mahmoud · Rating 4 out of 5]

عظيم بس رجعي وفيه داء المركزية الغربية ونمذجة أوروبا.. شكرًا يا حاج مِل بس احنا دلوقتي مش عايزين برلمان احنا عايزين كوكب بدل اللي خرب

[Kyle van Oosterum · Rating 4 out of 5]

Absolutely excellent treatise on representative government, exploring every aspect of it as well as suggesting some controversial ideas (plural voting). My one criticism is I would’ve liked an overview or concluding chapter just because the book is relatively long. Nevertheless, reading John Stuart Mill is always a pleasure as he writes so clearly, forcefully and so inventively.

[Adel Shojaei · Rating 4 out of 5]

مرد زمانه‌ی خودش بوده. به احترامش کلاه را از سر برمی‌دارم.

[Anderson Paz · Rating 3 out of 5]

O texto é de 1861. É uma obra clássica, mas bem enfadonha de ser lida. Basicamente, o autor defende a democracia representativa como melhor forma de governo. Muitos dos argumentos de Mill são estritamente aristocráticos: os representantes têm mais educação e conhecimento, enquanto os representados, não. A sabedoria prática das pessoas comuns está distante das preocupações progressistas do autor. É uma obra importante e discute temas pertinentes: participação das mulheres na política da época, tirania da maioria, controle do poder político, igualitarismo político, etc. Uma pequena obra importante e cansativa.

[Aaron Crofut · Rating 3 out of 5]

The first 8 chapters are well worth reading.

His thoughts on under what circumstances representative government can work is extremely simple, so simple that it is easy to dismiss as useful information, until you realize we are not meeting those criterion. They are 1) the people must be willing to accept such a government (we are); and 2) the people should be willing and able to do what is necessary for its preservation (we fail this). I rather like Mill's idea concerning suffrage, that those dependent on the taxes of others should be barred from voting until they are off the dole and that ignorant people should not be voting, but like Mill I recognize the extreme political and mechanical difficulty in actually implementing this.

We are ruled by fools because we are fools, and we are too damn foolish to know it.

[mohab samir · Rating 5 out of 5]

يبدأ مِل كتابه بإستعراض مراحل التطور السياسى لدى الشعوب مُنَظِراً لأفضل أشكال الحكم المناسبة لكل شعب تبعاً لمستوى نضجه السياسى والأخلاقى ، ثم يتجه إلى جدل طويل لأجل إيجاد أفضل أشكال الحكم - المرتبطة بالضرورة بأعلى درجة من التطور السياسى للأمة - والتى تقتصر فى زمنه على الغرب عموماً وعلى إنجلترا والولايات المتحدة بشكل خاص .
ويستنتج مِل كَوْن الديمقراطية فى صورتها البرلمانية هى أرقى أشكال الحكم السياسى الداخلى ، ويتناول بالمقارنة بين البرلمانية الإنجليزية حيث لا تكون السلطة التنفيذية بمنأى عن نتائج مسائلة سياسية برلمانية ، مع البرلمانية الأمريكية حيث سلطة الحكومة بمنأى عن نتائج هذه المسائلة . كما يعرض لطبيعة وجود كل شكل منهما بما يتضمنه من جذور تاريخية تسير بالموازاة مع طبيعة وإتجاه تطور المجتمع الكمى والكيفى فى شتى الإتجاهات ، وبما يطرحه كل منهما من مشكلات جديدة تكتمل بحلها المتواصل هذه الأنماط الحديثة من الحكم ، كما توجه الإرتقاء السياسى بشكل متواصل إلى الأمام سواء بالنسبة إلى الحكومات أو إلى الشعوب المحكومة .
ولا يفلت من التحليل التفاصيل الأكثر ضرورة وأساسية فى هذه الأنماط مثل طبيعة منح حقوق الإنتخاب وما تحمله من مسئوليات لا يمكن منحها إلا بعد تحقق بعض المتطلبات الضرورية كتواصل تطور مستوى التعليم والثقافة بالنسبة لمجمل الشعب ، وما يحمله من متطلبات وإعتبار تجاه الفوارق الفردية بين أبناء الشعب وتبعاً لصالح الأمة على وجه العموم أى تبعاً لمبادئ النفعية فى إرتباطها بالنقاش السياسى عموماً .
وهناك العديد من التحليلات للتفاصيل والمسائل العملية الأساسية الهادفة الى سد الثغرات الرئيسية للنظام البرلمانى والديمقراطية عموما ، والتى بإنجازها يزداد مقدار التقدم السياسى بكل ما يشمله ويرتبط به من تقدم إقتصادى وإجتماعى وثقافى للأمة ، كما تزداد فرص الإلتحاق بركب الديمقراطية بالنسبة للمجتمعات التى لازالت فى الأطوار الأولى للتقدم السياسى أو فى مراحل أكثر تخلفاً من الناحية السياسية بكل ما يصاحبه من أشكال التخلف الثقافى والإجتماعى والإقتصادى بالضرورة والتى لم يفشل الكاتب ابداً فى وصفها وصفاً واقعياً لا نزال نراه على حاله فى كثير من بلدان العالم الثالث . وبالتالى توجه بحوث هذه المشكلات مسار التقدم للأمم المتقدمة والمتخلفة على السواء .
كما يختتم البحث بفصل قد لايبدو على صلة بحاضرنا وهو عن طبيعة الحكم الأفضل للمستعمرات ، إلا انه رغم فائدته التاريخية الكبيرة لا يخلو من فرصة لتأملات تخص حاضر الشعوب المحكومة إستبدادياً من الداخل وطبيعة مقاوماتها فى مختلف الإتجاهات ، حيث يمكن المقاربة بين حكامها الداخليين المغتربين عن شعوبهم فى علاقتهم بهم وبين الحكام المستعمِرين من الخارج فى علاقتهم بشعوب المستعمَرات . كما نفهم صعوبة التخلص من الإستبداد الداخلى بما يتطلبه من قدر أكبر من الإرادة والوعى ، مقارنةً بمحاولات التخلص من الإستعمار - الأكثر سهولة - والتى دائماً ما تنجح حتى ولو بقِلَة ذات إرادة ووعى لا تحتاج إلا إلى شرارة بسيطة لإثارة أبناء الوطن تجاه الغريب . وهذا قد يلقى الضوء على ما قد يبدو كحتمية تاريخية لتكوين دكتاتورية عسكرية من قبل هذه القلة المحرضة على الاستقلال عقب الاستقلال مباشرة ، وكيف انه فى حالات قليلة تحدث حرب أهلية إذا كان هناك العديد من التوجهات السياسية المختلفة بين هذه القلة والساعية للوصول الى الحكم عقب التخلص من الإستعمار ، أو يمكن فهم الحالات الغير نادرة والتى يستغل فيها المستعمِر ضعف حيلة الشعب وجهله بتعيين الحكومات الموالية لها عقب منحهم الإستقلال والإبقاء على الكثير من إمتيازاتهم ، بحيث يكون فى بعض الأحيان منح الاستقلال مكسباً للمُستعمِر وليس لأهل المستعمرة . وهى جميعاً أحوال لا تزال باقية وتعانى منها الكثير من الشعوب الأفريقية والآسيوية واللاتينية إلى اليوم .

[Jaycob Izso · Rating 4 out of 5]

What a brilliant book. I would never consider myself a proponent of utilitarian philosophy nor have I ever had a desire to be thought of as a utilitarian apologist, but if there is any work by Mill that could possibly reorient me towards utilitarianism it would be this text. The book is systematically constructed and Mill's arguments are linked from page to page and chapter to chapter (Mill will often remind the reader of this to the point where certain sections can seem redundant). In a recent discussion I had about this book I described it as "ratiocinative"; I can think of no more appropriate term to describe Mill's writing.

The first three chapters are, perhaps, the most critical in terms of Mill's theoretical position. Elements of the first three chapters essentially inform each move and counter-move he makes in his argumentation (albeit he seems somewhat willing to subtly alter his previously defined terms in curious ways so as to fit his latter points: e.g. "activity", "power", etc.). It would be extraordinarily difficult to make sense of Mill's more pragmatic chapters on the actual "business" of government if one skipped or skimmed the first three chapters (and the start of Chapter 4, as he restates his three central conditions from Chapter 1).

The chapters following Chapter 3 are no less interesting or technically nuanced - they simply follow Mill's more rigorous attempts to convert his theoretical propositions into practical suggestions and, finally, apply them to the real-world examples of his day. Some of these chapters will likely seem odd to modern scholars as Mill's proposals vacillate between items that we take as common sense today and proposals that seem relatively bizarre and largely speculative. Yet the important historical caveat to keep in mind at these junctures is the Mill appears to be inventing (or honing at any rate) the architectonics and analytic methods that would develop into contemporary political science in the West.

The detail, pacing, and strategic brilliance of the book bolster the content of the material significantly. Mill has several moments of thought which are quite clearly linked to the ideas of Mill senior and Bentham. But Mill's flourishes of classic utilitarianism in conjunction with his own brand of utilitarian thought are well conceived and seemingly defensible (at least Mill tries on even his most contentious points). This is an absolutely wonderful book for those interested in political philosophy, political history, or Mill's work. Though I think I would be remiss if did not note that Mill would think virtually everyone in an advanced civilization should and should want to read a text like this.

[Tyler · Rating 5 out of 5]

I should label this 5/5 stars, with the addendum that I actually think Mill, like many other of his works, is exhibited here in a very verbose non-adumbrated document, talking about principles, some of which, are inapplicable to the world around us.

However, this gets 5/5 because unlike Mill's other major works, like A System of Logic or Principles of Political Economy, which have him mainly summating other writer's findings or realizations, this work was amazing because it showed a breadth of original ideas on the subject of politics, and political functioning in general. Mill was actually employed briefly for the State anyway, and like other greats Rousseau and de Tocqueville, as a result, was extremely politically motivated to generate some theories and philosophies of his own surrounding his great empire's eventual demise in regards to their monarchical regime.

The pivotal points of this book are primarily from the American perspective, especially in the last chapter where Mill is going on what generated the feeling of dissolution from the British empire in the American people. This was an incredible work because of the outside-of-the-box thought process required to even think about some of the considerations. A possible future development, sorely needed in contemporary politics in my opinion, is the adoption of non-regional representation. Representation in politics based on thought or groups of unique thought patterns alone. I feel as if this should be the guiding principle, and not regional-specific or geographical differences for a political body that is represented in the congresses of the future: some kind of amaterial considerations, some kind of factitious pursuance of what, in our opinion, should be the motivating factor of mankind's civilization in general: the representation of all free people in the society.

In the application, it's verbose and cumbrous, and I feel could be succinctly defined in some cases better than in others, but apart from the this, the breadth, the overall types of thought expressed, and the overall philosophy of typical free governments in this essay are some of the reasons why Mill's sociological and political essays were far superior to any book he wrote.

[Socrate · Rating 3 out of 5]

În ce măsură sunt formele de guvernare o chestiune de alegere
Toate speculațiile asupra formelor de guvernare poartă amprenta mai mult sau mai puțin exclusivă a două teorii divergente referitoare la instituțiile politice; sau, pentru a ne exprima mai exact, a două concepții divergente cu privire la ceea ce sunt instituțiile politice. Unele spirite concep guvernarea drept o artă strict practică, dând astfel naștere unor întrebări legate exclusiv de scop și de mijloace. Formele de guvernare sunt asimilate tuturor celorlalte mijloace care servesc la realizarea obiectivelor omenești. Ele sunt considerate a fi în întregime o chestiune de invenție și ingeniozitate. Fiind făcute de om, se presupune că omul poate alege să le facă sau nu, precum și modul în care vor fi făcute și după ce model. Guvernarea este – potrivit acestei concepții – o problemă care trebuie tratată ca orice altă chestiune de afaceri. Primul pas constă în a defini scopurile pe care trebuie să le servească guvernarea. Următorul este de a cerceta care formă de guvernare este cea mai potrivită pentru îndeplinirea acestor scopuri. Odată ce ne-am edificat asupra acestor două puncte și am stabilit forma de guvernare care combină cât mai mult bine cu cât mai puțin rău, nu ne mai rămâne decât să obținem, pentru opinia personală la care am ajuns, acordul compatrioților noștri sau al celor cărora le sunt destinate instituțiile. A găsi cea mai bună formă de guvernare, a-i convinge pe alții că este cea mai bună și, acestea odată făcute, a-i convinge să se străduiască să o obțină – iată care este ordinea ideilor în mintea acelora care adoptă acest punct de vedere în filosofia politică. Ei privesc o constituție în aceeași lumină în care privesc (respectând proporțiile) un tractor cu aburi sau o mașină de treierat.

[Bernard English · Rating 3 out of 5]

There are two concepts that really stand out in Mill's book. One his his emphasis on the political process, jury duty and voting, which Mill ardently believes are not just essential in and of themselves, but play a critical role in educating the public and raising the intellectual level. I can partially see this, but not entirely convinced. At any rate, his arguments are intriguing and should be considered. The other concept is actually one Mill promotes, but in fact originated with Mr. Hare and further explained in Mr. Hare’s Reform Bill Simplified and Explained. However Mill also forcefully argues for the concept, namely, that a voter is not solely defined by where he lives. He has other interests which may have nothing to do with a (possibly very small) geographical area and that very likely none of the politicians of the two main parties, the Tories and Whigs, espouse. Therefore, if voters are restricted to voting only for candidates representing a strictly defined geographical constituency, they will end up with no representation. Mr. Hare's recommendation, strongly supported by Mill, is to open up voting to candidates from around the country. This larger pool of possible votes would draw in eminent men into politics who would otherwise have no chance of getting elected. There are lots of other details, but I think that's the heart of it. I'm sure Mill's comments on how the British presence in India benefited benighted Indians will offend many readers and I certainly don't share his opinion on this score. There are some good observations on the actual mechanics of government, but I certainly didn't enjoy this as much as On Liberty.

[Elia Mantovani · Rating 2 out of 5]

Nelle Considerazioni il Mill intellettuale e quello deputato si incrociano per svolgere riflessioni a metà tra la filosofia politica e la prassi istituzionale. Ne seguono pensieri rigidi, spesso tecnici e articolati che però ruotano attorno ai soliti pilastri del pensiero del filosofo: l'utilitarismo e il liberalismo qualificato. Alcune tesi hanno dimostrato di essere molto lungimiranti (p.e. la necessità contemporanea e capitalista del regime democratico indiretto, il proporzionalismo, l'estensione del suffragio, il coinvolgimento delle donne nei ruoli di potere, il rischio della burocrazia e della tirannia della maggioranza ecc.) mentre altre non si sono dimostrate all'altezza dei tempi (p.e. la brevità delle legislature, le tattiche per impiantare un governo coloniale stabile, le ambiguità circa il mandato libero o imperativo, il carattere unicamente consultativo/ispiratore del parlamento, ecc.). Interessante la maniera con la quale Mill sottolinea l'importanza dell'educazione democratica del popolo, essenziale per riuscire a costruire un organigramma rappresentativo efficace oltre che legittimo. E' in questo testo che il teorico espone la celebre ipotesi del voto plurimo che, come osservato largamente dagli interpreti, appare contraddittoria e autotelica sin dalla sua originale formulazione.

[Minh Khue · Rating 4 out of 5]

Xuất phát từ những yếu tố lịch sử và văn hóa, chính thể Việt Nam có nhiều khác biệt về căn bản đối với các nước phương tây. Tuy nhiên trong quá trình phát triển, đứng trước những đòi hỏi thách thức mang tính bước ngoặt trong việc việc xây dựng hoàn thiện thể chế trong kỷ nguyên hội nhập và bắt kịp các quốc gia phát triển, việc học hỏi những khía cạnh tiến bộ tri thức nhân loại trong việc xây dựng thể chế là một nhu cầu hiện hữu. Tác phẩm “ Chính thể đại diện” cung cấp cho người đọc những tri thức khả tín để hiểu được cơ sở của nền dân chủ phương Tây, có căn cứ để nhận dạng xã hội phương Tây hiện đại một cách chính xác. Chính thể đại diện của J. S. Mill được xem như những khảo cứu mang tính nền tảng đối với các thiết chế chính trị-xã hội ở các nước Anh và Hoa Kỳ thế kỷ XIX. J. S. Mill xem xét vấn đề với tinh thần khách quan khoa học; mọi phán xét ông đưa ra đều có căn cứ lập luận rõ ràng và dựa trên những bằng chứng thực tế đương thời hay lịch sử.
Ý nghĩa của chính thể đại diện là toàn thể dân chúng, hay một phần đông đảo nào đó của nó, thực thi quyền lực kiểm soát tối thượng thông qua các đại diện được chính họ bầu lên theo định kỳ; cái quyền lực ấy phải tồn tại ở đâu đó trong mọi hiến pháp. Họ phải sở hữu quyền tối thượng ấy một cách đầy đủ nhất. Họ phải là những ông chủ đối với mọi hoạt động của chính quyền vào bất cứ lúc nào họ muốn.

[Sina Mousavi · Rating 3 out of 5]

Pretty insightful in the sense that it reflects the common concerns of its time regarding the trade-off between the application of technocratic expertise vis-a-vis democratic control (He is manifestly worried about granting universal suffrage to the working class, though he supports it reluctantly). Mill's argument for adopting a proportional representation system in parliament rather than a first-past-the-post one is also quite powerful, as it would allow for the representation of minorities whose concerns would otherwise go unnoticed and get neglected.

His apologism for British imperialism (e.g. calling Indians "savages" and "uncivilized"), however, has aged ungracefully and offends the sensibilities of a 21st-century reader.

[MT · Rating 4 out of 5]

- Despite “us (civilized) and them (barbaric)” mentality, Mill’s notion toward representative government was surprisingly relevant and somehow prophetic of his time. It seem, at first, he was worshiping this particular form of governments for its utility and majority-based functionality. but as he pondered more and more on, he gradually aware of its flaws and other loopholes. Instead leave it all as dogmatism, he not slightly hesitated for addressing it honestly (i quite impressed by his thought on abusive law enforcement and overall progression during the time of British colonialism)

[Brigitte Offord · Rating 3 out of 5]

"it is a great discouragement to an individual, and a still greater one to a class, to be left out of the constitution; to be reduced to plead outside the door to the arbiters of their destiny, not taken into the consultation within"(411)

This ALONE resolved my years long conflict with Kafka's The Law.

[Mao · Rating 4 out of 5]

My introduction to politics and government. This book covers a lot in representative government. It's worth reading.

[Cosmin Sipoş · Rating 4 out of 5]

A brilliant first half. A debatable second half.

[Megan · Rating 5 out of 5]

Enjoyed re-reading his comparative approach on Representative Govt.

[Charlie · Rating 3 out of 5]

Bit too dense for me personally but very interesting and insightful whenever the mist cleared

[barbara]

nie

[Ramona Fisher · Rating 3 out of 5]

I read a portion of this book for the Great Books of the Western World reading project.

[morgyn west · Rating 4 out of 5]

It was good up until the blatant racism at the end of the book. I suppose it is of it’s time.

[Edward Weiner · Rating 3 out of 5]

Read for a class I audited. Must have been a good read in the late 19th century. Very basic in the early 20th century and I learn a great deal more from YouTube etc.

[Al Lock · Rating 4 out of 5]

A surprising number of interesting insights into representative government from a few hundred years ago. I found the commentary on proportional representation especially interesting.

[Leonardo]

(presenta) un tipo de democracia respresentativa cuyo motivo central está dado por el mérito que esta institución posee de acuerdo con: "el grado en que [ella] promueve el progreso mental universal de la comunidad, incluyendo bajo tal frase el progreso del intelecto, de la virtud y en la actividad práctica y eficiencia" [Mill, 1861, p. 32].

Democracia y Estado de Bienestar Capítulo 1.

[Sarina · Rating 4 out of 5]

The true value of this book is philosophical. It is fun and interesting to apply Mill's flavor of utilitarianism and ideas of the invisible hand in economics to present day political and economic circumstances in America and Britain. His ideas about representative government are both intriguing and silly and it forces the reader to consider human nature as the driving force in all these. Worth reading but not to be taken too literally as a guide to policy today.

[WaldenOgre · Rating 3 out of 5]

“每个人是他自己的权利和利益的唯一可靠保卫者……需要政治权利不是为了可以进行统治，而是为了不致受到暴虐的统治。”前半本比较精彩，后半本稍显琐碎；翻译减分太多。

[Luan · Rating 1 out of 5]

O livro mais enfadonho que tive o desprazer de ler. Fuja!