From China's most influential foreign policy thinker, a vision for a Beijing Consensus for international relations
The rise of China could be the most important political development of the twenty-first century. What will China look like in the future? What should it look like? And what will China's rise mean for the rest of world? This book, written by China's most influential foreign policy thinker, sets out a vision for the coming decades from China's point of view.
In the West, Yan Xuetong is often regarded as a hawkish policy advisor and enemy of liberal internationalists. But a very different picture emerges from this book, as Yan examines the lessons of ancient Chinese political thought for the future of China and the development of a Beijing consensus in international relations. Yan, it becomes clear, is neither a communist who believes that economic might is the key to national power, nor a neoconservative who believes that China should rely on military might to get its way. Rather, Yan argues, political leadership is the key to national power, and morality is an essential part of political leadership. Economic and military might are important components of national power, but they are secondary to political leaders who act in accordance with moral norms, and the same holds true in determining the hierarchy of the global order.
Providing new insights into the thinking of one of China's leading foreign policy figures, this book will be essential reading for anyone interested in China's rise or in international relations.
Yan Xuetong is one of the best known Chinese academics in the field of international relations, hailing from China's prestigious Tsinghua University. While known as something of a hardliner, or a Neo-Com (a misnomer as such, because Yan's work is not of a Marxist perspective), such positions are not discernible throughout the vast body of this work. What the work focuses on is pre-Qin Chinese philosophers who wrote on the nature of military power and inter-state relations (essentially before China was unified under Qin Shi Huang). As such, these writers are in many ways a kind of Chinese Thucydides, or Herodotus, and include Mozi, Mencius Hanfeizi and occasionally Laozi. The work is rather slow paced, and may appear repetitive at times, with great emphasis placed upon virtuous rule, and the differences between a Hegemon and a Sage King, essentially one who dominates through force, and one who dominates through virtue and cultural attractiveness. The book gains strength in the latter chapters, as such ancient philosophy is applied to certain modern day analogies, demonstrating how such theories may play out in modern times. Of particular strength are the appendices, as Yan Xuetong gives light into why there is not yet a defined Chinese school of International Relations theory. In all, an essential read for those who wish to further understand Chinese foreign policy, or the philosophical underpinnings of Chinese foreign policy.
An excellent book introducing the idea of morality to realism. Yan Xuetong reads contemporary IR theory into ancient Chinese strategic thought and introduces several new ideas for interpreting China's rise in a unipolar world. A few essays are very detailed but the book overall will be an interesting read for people interested in IR theory.
Yan Xuetong’s Ancient Chinese Thought, Modern Chinese Power (Princeton University Press, 2011) is a seminal contribution to both Chinese political thought and contemporary international relations (IR) theory. Drawing upon pre-Qin (pre-221 BCE) Chinese classics—most notably the works of Confucian, Mohist, Daoist, and Legalist thinkers—Yan seeks to construct a normative realist framework that integrates ancient philosophical insights with a strategic analysis of China’s rise. The result is an ambitious and provocative text that challenges Western-centric IR paradigms and repositions classical Chinese ideas as resources for modern statecraft.
The book is divided into two broad components: translations and exegeses of pre-Qin political writings, and Yan’s interpretive essays that link these texts to contemporary debates about power, morality, and leadership. Yan’s “moral realism”—the theoretical core of the work—argues that national leadership morality (or renyi, benevolence and righteousness) is a decisive variable in shaping long-term interstate competition. While material capabilities remain essential, he contends that political authority, domestic governance quality, and moral legitimacy are critical determinants of durable great-power status.
The book’s structure reflects this dual ambition. The included translations—performed by a team led by Yan—offer access to influential texts such as Guanzi, Han Feizi, Mozi, and The Annals of Lü Buwei. Yan’s essays then reinterpret these classical ideas, asserting their contemporary relevance. In contrast to many modern IR scholars who treat ancient philosophical traditions as peripheral or merely historical, Yan frames them as integral to a distinctly Chinese approach to international theory.
Yan’s central thesis is that normative elements—moral leadership, strategic credibility, and public trust—sharply condition a state’s power trajectory. Unlike idealist or constructivist frameworks that elevate norms over material factors, Yan insists that morality is instrumental: moral governance enhances state capacity, fosters alliances, and stabilises leadership hierarchies. Conversely, immoral leadership produces internal decay and international isolation.
This synthesis yields what Yan calls “humane authority” (wangdao), which he presents as a superior alternative to “hegemonic power” (badao). Drawing heavily on Mencius, Xunzi, and select Legalist sources, he argues that humane authority arises when a state combines strategic acuity with just governance. In this interpretation, morality is not altruistic but strategically efficacious, enabling states to attract allies willingly rather than through coercion.
Yan contrasts this with the Legalist emphasis on coercive control and statist strengthening. Yet he does not reject Legalism entirely; instead, he integrates Legalist strategic insights within a normative framework shaped by classical Confucian virtues. This hybridisation is one of the book’s most original contributions, even if some critics argue that it selectively interprets ancient texts to align with contemporary geopolitical goals.
A central ambition of the book is to provide a conceptual vocabulary for understanding China’s strategic orientation in the early twenty-first century. Yan argues that China must cultivate moral legitimacy domestically and internationally to succeed as an ascendant power. For him, rising powers cannot rely solely on GDP growth, military expansion, or diplomatic assertiveness; they require institutional credibility and moral authority. This argument serves as both an analytical framework and a normative recommendation for Chinese policymakers.
The book therefore intervenes in a broader debate on whether China will pursue a revisionist or status-quo trajectory. Yan suggests that China’s path will depend on the political morality of its leadership more than on structural determinants alone. His framework assumes that China’s historical traditions, if properly revived, offer strategic resources superior to those underpinning Western hegemony.
The strengths of Ancient Chinese Thought, Modern Chinese Power lie in its intellectual ambition and interdisciplinary scope. Yan’s synthesis of classical philosophy and modern IR theory is innovative, and the book provides a valuable corrective to Western-dominated theoretical traditions. Moreover, its argument that moral legitimacy matters in international competition resonates with recent research on soft power, strategic trust, and institutional stability.
However, the book is not without limitations. First, the selective reading of classical texts sometimes leads to anachronistic interpretations. Yan’s desire to construct a coherent normative realist theory occasionally glosses over contradictions within the ancient corpus and diverging viewpoints among Confucians, Mohists, and Legalists. Second, the normative prescriptions for China’s rise can appear more aspirational than empirically grounded. It remains unclear whether “humane authority” can be operationalised in the context of contemporary geopolitics, where domestic political constraints and international suspicions frequently inhibit moral claims by rising powers.
Additionally, Yan’s implicit assumption that China’s historical traditions constitute a usable and coherent guide for modern governance mirrors, in some respects, nationalist narratives about civilisational continuity. Critics may view this as a form of strategic culturalism—a tendency to treat ancient texts as possessing fixed and essential insights applicable across radically different contexts.
Ancient Chinese Thought, Modern Chinese Power is a landmark work that brings classical Chinese philosophy into conversations about global strategy and international relations. Yan Xuetong effectively bridges ancient political wisdom and contemporary theoretical debates, offering a distinctive framework that challenges Western IR orthodoxy. Though its interpretations and policy implications are subject to debate, the book is indispensable for scholars interested in the ideological and intellectual dimensions of China’s rise. Its contributions are both analytical and provocative, ensuring its lasting importance in the study of global politics and Chinese thought.
I'm giving this one 4 stars because it's the best approach I've ever seen to either creating a unique Chinese school of international relations studies or at the very least incorporating the geopolitical philosophies of ancient Chinese thinkers into the modern international relations studies framework. After all, people speak of Thucydides and Machiavelli as 'fathers of realism,' so I can only imagine it would be beneficial to the field to bring Chinese works into the conversation as well.
it sure is a good read if one wants to understand ancient chinese thought and state affairs, the insights from seven pre han thinkers and their wide revealing perspective on how state and leadership should conduct thier domestic and international affairs gave me some key pt to understand modern china's engagment with world. the examples from zhou and han states further makes this work worth reading