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168 pages, Paperback
Published February 25, 2023
Three glaring points of contention for which I removed 3 stars:
1. Idealistic View of Varna and Jati:
In chapter 1, the author provides an idealistic view of the caste system, which he differentiates as Varnashram Dharma based on Varna and Jati, claiming it is different from caste. However, the author doesn't provide any citations to support where he found this idealistic view—whether in any scriptures or sociological analysis. It seems this system is entirely based on the beliefs or fundamental dogmas of Hinduism that the author subscribes to. The theory of reincarnation and karma judgment based on past life deeds justifies the caste system or Varnashram Dharma without addressing the moral problems it creates. The author simply packages it in a new box with the assumption that everything was as he describes. Essentially, he is masquerading inequality as diversity.
2. Unsubstantiated Historical Claims:
Based on this dogma, the author nonchalantly puts forward the theory that endogamy and caste rigidity started due to Mughal rule, again without any citation. This contradicts genetic evidence, such as that found in the book Early Indians, which shows endogamy started 1,900 years ago. Such unverified claims weaken the credibility of his arguments.
3. Controversial Theories on British Influence:
The most bizarre and controversial theory appears in the section on British rule, where the author theorizes that the census data collected by the British are responsible for caste identity and rigidity, and even untouchability, again without any citations from reputable sources. What the British actually did was systematically study the already existing systems in India and publish them in English. Therefore, in English, untouchability only appears after the census data. The author ironically thinks that the reservation or positive discrimination system by the Indian government is responsible for the caste system, reflecting the views of a privileged NRI Brahmin living in America.
Hindu religions in India are often based more on orthopraxy (practice and rituals) than orthodoxy (fixed doctrines). This makes it important to study how Hindu society has been in the present and over the last few hundred years, for which we have written records and data since the Portuguese arrived, rather than speculating on how this system came to be. Rajiv takes the opposite approach, speculating on an ideal philosophy of Hindu society based on Brahmanical notions and extrapolating it throughout history without citations and studies. Overemphasis on scriptures is also pointless as Indian society follows orthopraxy, not orthodoxy. The author is so progressive that he wants to erase not just untouchability but the history of untouchability as well.
The redeeming aspect of the book is that it reveals how the privileged mind works, hence two stars. For someone who has not read about the topic, this book might seem really good. The problem with amateur writers like Rajiv, compared to professional and so-called Marxist historians like Romila Thapar, is that Rajiv doesn't have any fear of reputation or a peer review system. He can publish anything he likes. Meanwhile, government historians might be influenced by the government in power and may self-censor to avoid clashing with the ruling government, but they have strong incentives to avoid factual inaccuracies out of fear for their reputation and legacy, unlike ideologically inspired writers like Arun Shourie and Rajiv.
Dominant castes have always had problems with census and the study of Indian society. Their new theories are extensions of these old problems, as seen in Ambedkar's brilliant essay "From Millions to Fractions" in the book Essentials of B.R. Ambedkar, edited by Valerian Rodrigues.
