In this monograph, Di Cosmo successfully incorporates archaeological sources into the historical studies of ancient China, a methodology that takes the historical studies out of the tradition of mere textual analysis by thoroughly examining available material sources to establish plausible contexts in which a set of historical texts can be meaningful read and vice versa. The outcome of this innovative combination of material history with traditional historical endeavor is the deconstruction of our concept of a stable Northern frontier in early China and a Chinese-centric concept of a clear boundary between the moral Chinese in the center and the nomadic barbarians in the periphery. Another innovative feature of the book is its organization. Instead of giving a master narrative of one frontier, by organizing his writings into four different but interconnected themes, Di Cosmo tries to alert us that there were multiple frontiers whose formations and evolutions were sufficiently complex processes that merit independent study. Each theme tries to understand the ‘frontier’ from a different perspective, e.g., the material culture of the frontier, the political frontier, the frontier of treaties and tributes, and the frontier of the Grand Historian—a knowledge frontier.
Chapter 1 and 2 are purely historical studies of material cultures of Eurasian Steppe and the frontier of northern China. By close scrutiny of various archaeological excavations, Di Cosmo reveals to us picture of great diversity, unevenness, and complexity in the cultures emerged in these regions from 5th-4th millennium B.C. till mid-4th -3rd century B.C. Northern communities typically practice mixed economies of agriculture and pastoralism since the late Bronze Age and were shown to engage in frequent contacts with Shang and Zhou ‘Chinese’. In fact, the diversities among the northern barbarians themselves were probably more pronounced then the difference between the Chinese and the barbarians at that time. Neither was it possible to find a stable frontier until the formation of the Xiongnu empire in 209 B.C. More importantly, the rise of nomadism was by no means a linear development and the concept of a pure nomadic culture before the Warring States era was not a useful one in describing northern peoples. However, based on the abundance of weapons, ritual usages of horses, and animal style handicrafts found in burial grounds dated from 7th or 6th B.C., one can detect a rise of the military aristocracies in tribal unions. Archaeological findings in 5th – 4th century B.C. like gold and silver precious objects discloses the increasing commercial roles of this class of aristocracy and the increased trading with Zhou people.
Chapter 3 and 4 are combinatory studies of textual and material evidence to grasp the Chinese perceptions of the northern frontiers. Here, we find the pronounced dichotomous rhetoric of a community bound by high moral values of and one without such moral concerns, a rhetoric in response to a new kind of relations with the northern peoples characterized by frequent warfare and shifting diplomatic strategies during Shang and Western Zhou era (p.125). Starting from the Eastern Zhou period, we find more regular and formalized political relations that aimed at incorporating non-Zhou people. This process of expansion and cultural assimilation, while successfully absorbed farmers, shepherds, and mountaineers in the northern borders, also brought northern Chinese states like Qi, Jin, and Qin in direct contact with the nomads. Such contact with the steppe warriors spurred the northern Chinese states to employ a new form of military strategy—wall-building. Contrary to earlier scholar consensus of wall-building as a defensive strategy, Di Cosmo, based on a close examination of textual accounts and the structures/functions of the walls, argues that it was actually a strategy of penetration and occupation in newly conquered territories (pp.155-8).
In Chapter 5 and 6, Di Cosmo gives us a new interpretation for the formation of the Xiongnu empire and Han China’s turn from diplomacy of heqin to full-scale military campaign in dealing with Xiongnu. Unlike early ‘dependency theory’ that explains the rise of the Xiongnu empire as driven by increasing internal need for agricultural products, Di Cosmo looks into the interactions of external factors like the invasions of Qin into Ordos regions with internal political processes like militarization and centralization and concludes that 1) the formation of Xiongnu was a result of the internal crisis brought by Qin’s expansion into the Ordos and 2) due to the military weakness, Han Gaozu was forced into a tributary relationship which provided external revenues to the further development of the Xiongnu empire.
The last theme is a historiographical study of Sima Qian’s shiji. In Chapter 7 and 8, Di Cosmo engages with the questions such as why and how did Sima Qian write a monograph on Xiongnu. On one hand, Sima Qian’s historical writing has a very strong empiricist tendency and he employs a plethora of sources like personal acquaintance, oral accounts, written documents reports, and informants like Xiongnu people in Chinese society to compile a detailed description of Xiongnu’s economy (e.g. animal husbandry), culture (e.g. burial rituals), and society (e.g. political and military institutions). On the other hand, Sima Qian’s writing is also deeply ideological and reflects his need to place “the northern nomads within the realm of prescriptive history where the shape and nature of change is sourced to the intricate web of correlations at the foundations of yin-yang and five phase thought, is evidence of a fuller appreciation of the role of Inner Asia as a genuine part of Chinese history” (p. 295). Despite Sima Qian’s relatively objective accounts of Xiongnu (compared with his peers like uncritical readers of Huai-nan-zi and Shan-hai-jing), his knowledge is nonetheless subsumed under his project to create a knowledge frontier of the Other.
While it is very likely that continuing archaeological excavations will disprove many of the details in Di Cosmo’s descriptions of the peoples in Central Asia, what we cannot deny is that, after this book, it is no longer possible to think of early China without paying attention to its fluid northern and western frontiers nor to discuss the histories of the peoples in Central Asia as if there was a simple and linear development. The inconclusiveness of Di Cosmo’s accounts of early China and its neighbors should neither overshadow his contributions in opening up new fields of research nor undermine his innovative research methodology that can be transported into studies of other time periods and places.