This book takes what might be considered untouchable subject matter and not only writes about it but does so in a way that makes what he's saying seem simple and clear. I knew from the first few pages that this was going to be a significant book.
...Except that since the title included "capitalism," I thought it was going to be a book about economics. But, no--it's a history, a history of economics and its effect on people and the world, and, in particular, Jews. It is a book that paints history in broad brushstrokes. For the most part he doesn't get bogged down in details. It is an overview that shows how things work and why what has happened, happened.
The book consists of an introduction followed by four essays. It is not boring at all; in fact it is electrifying at points. He brings into focus a lot that was not clear, like "what is capitalism" (I'm a novice regarding economics), and why the "usury" charge casts such a long shadow. Usury could be all commerce (not just finance). It seems that the classical belief was that there was only a finite amount of wealth, so commerce--buying something in one place and selling it somewhere else for profit--was thought to be like stealing. Aristotle held forth against it. There was no value placed on knowledge or risk. So groups that practiced commerce, while necessary to society, were stigmatized.
In antiquity and in medieval times commerce was conducted by politically powerless merchant minorities living in diaspora. These included the Armenians, Greeks, and the overseas Chinese, but the Jews became the paradigmatic merchant minority. They got a double whammy--not only being merchants, but also the prototypical religious outsiders in Christian Europe.
The author explains, too, how the rulers used Jews to extract money from the landed nobility who weren't subject to taxation. When the nobility required financing, they would have to pay a high rate of interest for scarce capital; then the king wielded severe taxes to squeeze funds from the moneylenders into the royal coffers.
As a result of exclusion from other occupations, the merchant minorities developed business knowledge and skills. That's why, when Europe began emerging from feudal times, Jews were able to hit the ground running. But what also happened was that when the old empires--Habsburg, Romanov, and Ottoman, began to break down, which had to happen before new industrial societies could emerge, the blame was pinned on Jews for the accompanying changes and distress.
Where Jews were accepted as citizens, they already had the skills to succeed in "the new world order" of the day--industrialized society. They had a head start because of the role they had been made to perform in past generations. Disproportionate success could appear as an affront to the liberal attitude that everybody has equal ability and an equal shot at success. There tended to be less suspicion and antisemitism where industrialization and commerce had already taken root. But in Germany and Eastern Europe, once a middle class finally emerged from among the former peasants, they often wanted to dispose of the Jews, whom they now found it convenient to consider outside competition.
The third essay is more difficult and the only exception to the general ease of reading. The author shows how Jews became associated with the radical Left--communism--as well as with capitalism. Some were attracted because of the promise of equality and brotherhood in contrast to the harsh realities of antisemitism. Some became leaders of short-lived Bolshevik revolutions in countries where there was no popular support for communism. It was thus that antisemitism took a new turn and associated Jews with political radicalism, even though only a tiny minority were involved. Antisemitism not being very logical, Jews were even imagined as plotting to "work both sides of the street"--both capitalism and communism. The author also highlights the under-appreciated impact of how the myth of the Jew as Bolshevik led western countries to bar them from immigrating during the Nazi years.
In the last chapter the author teaches how the nation-state naturally arises from industrial society. The Marxist approach is that those who own capital foist nationalism on workers as sort of a false team spirit to keep then enthralled. Muller says what happens is very different from that. In the pre-industrial state, it doesn't matter if there are multiple languages and ethnic groups because every group is locked in without any mobility at all. You only have to be a peasant, or a craftsman, or a Jew, and so will your children. But in industrial times, everybody has to become educated and literate, so there has to be just one language and one dominant "high" culture, so we can negotiate the territory and become upwardly mobile. That culture is nationalistic--e pluribus unum. Unfortunately this can be bad news for minorities. They may no longer have even the former stigmatized but necessary role. Now they are just in the way of the nationalistic enterprise, to be blamed and punished--killed or expelled. The other option is assimilation. That seems more merciful, but, again, can flip if the minority group succeeds and the dominant population turns on them. And that is what can lead the minority group to develop a nationalist goal itself as an escape from insecurity and scapegoating.
Muller has more to say about how capitalism works--how society works, for that matter. I learned a lot. He is a good teacher. He will use some term that only a historian or economist would know, and then he'll paraphrase it for the general public. And what he teaches is a new way of looking at things. He says more surprising things then I could even touch on here. I guess you can get into the ball of yarn in different ways but he enters by way of the economic strand. A new look, a creative look, and a way to think for myself about economies and people. Recommended!