With some caveats, this is a good book to learn the basics of micro- and macroeconomics without stumbling over complicated equations. Taylor writes lucidly and covers pretty much what would be covered in a college introduction to economics course, from competitive markets to externalities, public goods, poverty and inequality, economic growth, fiscal policy, trade, money and banking, monetary policies among many other topics. The theory and practice of economics as he presents it is, as he asserts, generally agreed upon by mainstream economists on both the left and the right. What he means, of course, is that orthodox economics is pretty much the settled view, and the settled view is neoclassical, with its emphasis on the primacy of and over-reliance on markets and, while acknowledging the importance of government in providing public goods and ensuring a level playing field in the economic realm, sees optimal government involvement as a constraining one. He too often discusses economics in terms of the ideal rather than the actual. For instance, he makes the blanket statement that prices are determined by markets, not producers. While this is usually the case, in monopolistic or near-monopolistic situations producers can indeed dictate prices.
Nevertheless, this is a good book to keep on hand for reference.
One startling comment he makes is that economics is not a science. This claim, I’m sure, will come as a complete surprise to most practicing economists. The Nobel Prize in economics (which, BTW, is not given by the Nobel committee in Norway but by a bank in Sweden) selects its winners among those with a neoclassical bent who produce some kind of model or equation that can be used to make predictions about economic behavior or outcomes. Yet Taylor does not shirk from citing economic evidence when applicable.
He makes other questionable claims that sound good but are left on the wash line to dry when compared to the data or experience. For example, in his discussion about financial markets, he assumes all households, or at least most households, invest money in the stock and/or bond markets. This is nonsense. Those making less than the median income only own 0.5% of stocks, bonds, and mutual funds in 2007. Compare this to the top 1% who own 51%.
He also argues, as any orthodox economist would, that markets always ‘know’ the correct price of goods, services, and labor. But is this always the case? Without delving into cases and instead looking at the claim on its face, ascribing such epistemic infallibility to markets suggests that markets possess a godlike nature that is nigh blasphemous: markets are all-knowing, all-powerful, all-good, perfect representations of reality, and just (though not very merciful!). If one is rich, than you have been blessed by the markets and deserve to be rich; you’ve earned it. Those who are poor have been damned by the markets and their suffering is the consequence of their ignorance of the law of markets or of their market agnosticism or, worse, their disbelief in the power and justice of markets. Skeptical remarks concerning the efficacy of markets are duly treated as heresy, and those with the temerity to introduce such doubts and alternatives are subsequently banished, as were the Gnostics and Arians in the early centuries of Christianity, from serious consideration. Thankfully, thus far no inquisition has been instituted to silence such heretics.
Taylor also repeats the standard economic claim that rising wages accompany rising productivity, a claim that has been shown to false by the failure of wages to keep pace with productivity in the last forty years. His discussion insisting that poverty and inequality are separate and not intertwined seemed weak; while they can be separated for analytic purposes, conceptually and practically separating them into mutually exclusive categories seems wrong headed. His discussion of corporate governance also takes place in a platonic realm, assuming that directors and shareholders assume the responsibility for the overall guidance of large corporations. Perhaps in some cases, but recent history put the lie to such assumptions, showing that it has been CEOs and other upper level management officers whose decision have decided the fate of the organizations they run.
On a more positive note, Taylor does acknowledge that limitations of using gross domestic product as the bellwether for measuring how well off a society is.
Still, in general a useful book that I intend to dip into when confronted with some feature of the economy I don’t fully understand.