The incredible success of the Socialist Party in Oklahoma is perhaps, from a cursory glance at least, one of the more perplexing stories in American history. Socialism, convention teaches us, is an urban phenomenon, drawing lines between an industrial proletariat and a sophisticated bourgeois capitalist class. The rural and agricultural conditions which dominated Oklahoma society would hardly seem to be conducive to socialism. And yet, Oklahoma emerged as a hotbed of socialist political activity in the first two decades of the twentieth century. How come?
James Bissett presents a compelling explanation, which unfortunately suffers from being too simple. He argues that Oklahoma socialists, armed with their experience as agrarian organizers in the Farmer’s Union, had a highly sophisticated understanding of the conditions afflicting farmers in Oklahoma, and consequently reshaped the Socialist Party in the state accordingly in order to address those conditions. Oklahoma socialists were flexible theorists, dismissing Marxist theory which considered farmers as petty bourgeois and not true proletarians due to their ownership of land. They embraced Protestantism and weaponized the socialistic teachings of Jesus in order to justify their radical agenda. And lastly, they imposed upon the Socialist Party a more democratic style of leadership, decentralizing authority and embracing regional autonomy. In short, the Oklahoma party fused a socialist platform with its authentically American roots, bringing together Marx with Jefferson, as Bissett phrased it.
It’s an attractive argument. But Bissett presents it within too narrow of a framework. Oklahoma was not the only state to engage in colletivist farming alliances. The Farmers’ Alliance spread throughout the entirety of the western and southern United States. Why was it that the Socialist Party experienced such dramatic success in Oklahoma, but not in other states where agrarian collectivism had deep roots, such as Texas or North Carolina? Bissett emphasizes the exploitative nature of the market economy in which Oklahoma farmers were ensnared, and how the system was rigged in favor of the middlemen and moneylenders. But were exploitative conditions somehow unique to Oklahoma, or worse there than elsewhere? The author does not elaborate.
Beyond this, Bissett far too often presents the story in black and white terms, casting socialists as the good guys and Democrats as the bad guys. Indeed, the Democrats sure were nefarious – the chicanery and extralegal methods which they employed to suppress the Socialist Party was truly awful. Chapter 6 in particular made my blood boil. But Bissett is too lenient with the socialists when a deeper and more critical perspective would be of greater value. Take for instance the discussion on black disenfranchisement. While Bissett acknowledges that individual socialists were racist, the real takeaway should be that the state party denounced the Democrats efforts to rob black men of the vote, and that this was a brave and admirable stand to make. This argument reads too much like “a few bad apples” to me. Bissett concedes that very few blacks in Oklahoma participated in the Socialist Party. Why might this be? The issue is not explored beyond that.
In short, Agrarian Socialism in America is a good book on a subject I suspect few Americans know anything about. Yet the arguments presented are too narrow in scope, and too favorable of the protagonists.