I've had the goal of reading Winton Churchill's six-volume "History of World War II" for some time. I read and thoroughly enjoyed this first volume, from Mariner Books. These are among the least expensive editions. It shows in places. The typeset looks as if it has been recycled for a long time. Therefore, you read one page printed in solid, dark type and the next page looks faded. Some letters are almost completely washed out on some words, though this is very sporadic. It's easy, though, to get engrossed in the narrative from a master storyteller and forget the little printing imperfections.
Winston Churchill was already famous in England before the events in this book, which transpire from the end of World War I to the early months of World War II. He had had a distinguished military career, serving in India, Sudan and in the Boer War, and was a member of Parliament since before the First World War. He wrote well known books about his exploits and those of his ancestor, the 1st Duke of Marlborough. During WWI, he was First Lord of the Admiralty, later Minister of Munitions, Secretary of State for War and Secretary of State for Air in the early air age. He also commanded a battalion in the British Army in the war. After the war, he was Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Conservative government of Ramsey MacDonald. His military, governmental and political connections were considerable, making him the ultimate insider to the workings of the British government between the wars. During most of this time, however, he was formally out of government office (except for continuing to hold his seat in the House of Commons), marking time in what he described as a political wilderness, resulting mainly from his open split with the Conservative leadership on Indian Home Rule. During this time, he constantly issued warnings about the coming consequences of the frittering away of the WWI allies' military strength while ignoring the growing threat of Germany. Readers today would be surprised to learn that this position marked Churchill as a pariah by both the political establishment and the public during these times.
A final word about the book series before discussing this volume. It's not taking any suspense away from the book to discuss the well-known historical fact that Churchill took the reins of government as Prime Minister in 1940, largely because his absence from the cabinets of the previous two governments left him untainted with the stink of incompetence which hung heavy when two decades of ignoring the controls contained in the 1918 Versailles Treaty, coupled with British governmental timidity toward the brazen aggressiveness of the German Nazi government brought Europe into the second World War in the same century. After leading Great Britain throughout the war, Churchill was turned out of office in 1945 (he returned as PM for another term, from 1951 to 1955).
Winston had time to write this series in the late 1940's, when he was back in the opposition and had time to put his incomparable wartime experiences into writing. This series is therefore a great historical treasure trove, although it is not written by a historian. Churchill, with his astute political sense, made no attempt to
hide the fact that he wanted to be the first to get facts on record about the causes leading to the war, and his government's leadership of the war effort, before others would second-guess these events. He had vast sources of information available to him. First, as a member of the opposition to the pre-war Baldwin and Chamberlin governments, he nevertheless had access to huge amounts of official military data concerning British, French, and German military preparedness and defenses. As PM during the war, of course he had a say in every military decision. After the war, when he was out of government, he was given the privileged access to unlimited amounts of government documents by the Atlee Labour government. The result is a highly authoritative work which added to Churchill's stature as a statesman and leader, and made him wealthy.
Churchill had been allied with Conservative leader Stanley Baldwin, who succeeded MacDonald, in the 1920's, but his opposition to Indian independence prevented him from being offered a cabinet seat. However, his interwar efforts became increasingly focused on the dangerous mistakes he saw occurring on the international arena, especially Baldwin's early position on favoring unilateral British disarmament. Observers of modern politics, with its hard edges, would be amused by the role of an opposition leader in 1930's Britain. Churchill railed against the government's policies in Parliament, making articulate points, sometimes very vehemently, but there was never any character assassination. He also wrote some newspaper articles, and many letters to colleagues with detailed, well-stated arguments to back them up. Most of what he was saying then had become painfully apparent by 1939, and his writings from that time form an important basis to the structure of his book.
Thus, Churchill leads the reader through the deeply troubling unfolding of events surrounding German rearmament in violation of the Versailles Treaty, without consequences imposed by the victorious allies; the air superiority of the British and French allowed to become overshadowed by the Germans; the Rhineland forceable occupation while Britain and France stood by and watched; the building of a German Siegfried Line of defense; establishment of a Berlin-Rome (Hitler-Mussolini) axis; Austria gobbled up by Germany; and most shameful, Czechoslovakia left to be destroyed by Germany, while Britain ignored the pleadings of Russia to form an alliance to intervene. After all of this cowardly diplomacy by the allied powers (including the United States, which kept its hands clean of the mess by turning ostrich while European events reached the boiling point), Great Britain dragged France into a treaty guaranteeing the integrity of Poland, the next obvious target of Germany.
Churchill provides detailed, first-hand accounting of these events, and more, including the diplomatic vacillations and double-dealings that unfolded as World War approached. These include the ironic fact that the allied powers, in the early 1930's, originally saw the Italian dictator as a possible stabilizing influence. Mussolini early on presented the picture of a benevolent fascist, if there can be such a thing. Democratic leaders were impressed by his very early distrust and dislike of the new German dictator, Hitler; Mussolini was even courted to provide the threat of Italy's growing military as a possible warning against Hitler's designs on taking over the Rhineland. Then there was Stalin's communist regime, which was never given the trust accorded Mussolini by the allies. Finding no willingness to share diplomatic solutions from Britain and France, his and Hitler's foreign ministers, Molotov and Ribbentrop, shocked the world by signing a non-aggression pact.
This history thus relates the sordid history of governmental and public disillusionment as Germany gobbled up whole countries without challenge (before its attack on Poland); the allied decision to stand by without challenging Italy's invasion of Abyssinia (Ethiopia); the Polish grab of spoils in Czechoslovakia in the wake of Germany's take-over; the Russian invasion of Finland and later sharing the spoils, with Germany, of Poland.
All of these developments were cause for increased anxiety throughout Europe, but the average Britton remained blissfully confident in continued peace right up to the end. Neville Chamberlain, in one of the most self-delusional acts of any government leader in history, culminated a series of three meetings with Hitler in 1938 by signing the Munich pact, which sold the Czechs down the river, much to the chagrin of Churchill and his Conservative friends. Chamberlain received rock-star treatment at home, being mobbed by admiring citizens when his airplane arrived in England from Munich. What's interesting is that Churchill publicly denounced this action in Parliament, but, on a personal level, maintained cordial relations with Chamberlain. This is why Churchill was invited to take over the Admiralty after Germany attacked Poland in September 1939, and the war started. Churchill clearly writes that the public pandering by Chamberlain was ruinous to Britain's eventual response to the start of the war, but he became a loyal colleague of Chamberlain in its early months.
The latter part of the book describes these early months, which Churchill calls the "Twilight War", otherwise known as the "Phony War." This description comes from the lack of open warfare from the start of the war until Spring, 1940. To the average British, Belgian or French citizen, it was a creepy time of knowing all hell was ready to break loose but very few bullets were being fired. Most of the action during this time (with the exception of the busy German activity of consolidating its defeat of Poland's army and air force, and institution of a reign of terror against the Polish population),
occurred on the sea; this put Winston at the front as the cabinet officer most involved in making daily decisions on the progress of the war. German commerce raiders were causing consternation and U-Boats were beginning to incur serious losses against British shipping, supplemented by German sea-mining of British ports. The Phony War ended in April, 1940, according to Churchill
when Britain attempted to land forces in Norway to repel an expected German invasion of that country. The British and Allied forces were totally unprepared for the seriously brutal German type of modern warfare and suffered a humiliating rebuff.
Churchill remained the loyal cabinet leader, freely acknowledging that he was among the war planners who shared blame for Britain's poor preparation for this campaign. The public was having nothing of this. Public opinion finally came around to embracing the reality of the odds which were now stacked against Britain and France, and the truth was not lost on anyone about the warnings Churchill had been issuing for years. It did not help matters for Chamberlain that he gave a speech in April, 1940 in which he seriously misjudged the lack of a German land invasion of England to date, which actually was caused by the time needed for planning by the German military for its upcoming "Blitskrieg" against Holland and France, for timidity. His famous quote: "one thing is certain: he (Hitler) missed the bus" (p. 526) would later help to drive him out of office.
Churchill gives an interesting account of the manner in which the Chamberlain government collapsed and the King invited Churchill to form a coalition government in the wake of the Norway fiasco. He took office when his country was in extreme peril. He had received correspondence from President Franklin Roosevelt expressing his belief in the common destinies of the two countries, but the President was powerless to act due to the dominance of the isolationists in the U.S. Congress. Powerful, potential ally Russia was making nice with the Germans. Mussolini, who had not declared war yet, was cagily biding his time to act while egging Hitler on. Poland, Norway and Denmark were under Nazi occupation. British attempts to build aircraft and ships, which increased after Munich, were woefully short of what the Germans had built; worse yet, during the seven months of the phony war, British industry had not stepped up production according to pressing wartime needs. France, the great military power after World War I, had seen its land and air dominance eroded in favor of Germany during the 1930's, partly at the instigation of Great Britain, and spent the entire phony war period with its army's morale steadily eroding behind an elaborate defensive line while everyone waited for Hitler to move. Britain was sending all of the forces it could muster to France in anticipation of a planned German invasion, but British and French forces were hamstrung by the refusal of Belgium to allow them on Belgian soil; incredibly, Belgian intelligence had received the detailed plans, in advance of the planned German invasion, which clearly showed the proposed penetration of neutral Belgium first on the way to invading Holland and France, but the Belgian government still would take no actions to defend against these events.
Winston did not have time to ponder all of this. On May 10, 1940, the same day as his appointment, Germany invaded Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg. Alarmed but calm, Churchill immediately formed his war cabinet and set to work on the business at hand, confident that he was meant to take on this responsibility by reason of temperament and experience.