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Doctrines and Visions
Noam Chomsky is one of the world's most vocal and erudite critics of governmental malfeasance past and present. His devastating analyses of the true motives behind global events reveal a picture very much at odds with that presented by the conventional media, and often politicians. This essay forms both an expanded introduction and afterword to Chomsky's Hegemony or Survival, published by Penguin in 2003.
55 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2005
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About the author
Noam Chomsky
981 books17.4k followersAvram Noam Chomsky is an American professor and public intellectual known for his work in linguistics, political activism, and social criticism. Sometimes called "the father of modern linguistics", Chomsky is also a major figure in analytic philosophy and one of the founders of the field of cognitive science. He is a laureate professor of linguistics at the University of Arizona and an institute professor emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Among the most cited living authors, Chomsky has written more than 150 books on topics such as linguistics, war, and politics. In addition to his work in linguistics, since the 1960s Chomsky has been an influential voice on the American left as a consistent critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, and corporate influence on political institutions and the media.
Born to Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants (his father was William Chomsky) in Philadelphia, Chomsky developed an early interest in anarchism from alternative bookstores in New York City. He studied at the University of Pennsylvania. During his postgraduate work in the Harvard Society of Fellows, Chomsky developed the theory of transformational grammar for which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark work Syntactic Structures, which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was a National Science Foundation fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study. He created or co-created the universal grammar theory, the generative grammar theory, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguistic behaviorism, and was particularly critical of the work of B.F. Skinner.
An outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, which he saw as an act of American imperialism, in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". Becoming associated with the New Left, he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on President Richard M. Nixon's list of political opponents. While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in the linguistics wars. In collaboration with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky later articulated the propaganda model of media criticism in Manufacturing Consent, and worked to expose the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. His defense of unconditional freedom of speech, including that of Holocaust denial, generated significant controversy in the Faurisson affair of the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supporting the Occupy movement. An anti-Zionist, Chomsky considers Israel's treatment of Palestinians to be worse than South African–style apartheid, and criticizes U.S. support for Israel.
Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark the cognitive revolution in the human sciences, contributing to the development of a new cognitivistic framework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, U.S. involvement and Israel's role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and mass media. Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements. Since 2017, he has been Agnese Helms Haury Chair in the Agnese Nelms Haury Program in Environment and Social Justice at the University of Arizona.
Born to Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants (his father was William Chomsky) in Philadelphia, Chomsky developed an early interest in anarchism from alternative bookstores in New York City. He studied at the University of Pennsylvania. During his postgraduate work in the Harvard Society of Fellows, Chomsky developed the theory of transformational grammar for which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark work Syntactic Structures, which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was a National Science Foundation fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study. He created or co-created the universal grammar theory, the generative grammar theory, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguistic behaviorism, and was particularly critical of the work of B.F. Skinner.
An outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, which he saw as an act of American imperialism, in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". Becoming associated with the New Left, he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on President Richard M. Nixon's list of political opponents. While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in the linguistics wars. In collaboration with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky later articulated the propaganda model of media criticism in Manufacturing Consent, and worked to expose the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. His defense of unconditional freedom of speech, including that of Holocaust denial, generated significant controversy in the Faurisson affair of the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supporting the Occupy movement. An anti-Zionist, Chomsky considers Israel's treatment of Palestinians to be worse than South African–style apartheid, and criticizes U.S. support for Israel.
Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark the cognitive revolution in the human sciences, contributing to the development of a new cognitivistic framework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, U.S. involvement and Israel's role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and mass media. Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements. Since 2017, he has been Agnese Helms Haury Chair in the Agnese Nelms Haury Program in Environment and Social Justice at the University of Arizona.
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Displaying 1 - 13 of 13 reviews
September 7, 2023
“In situations of dominance quite generally, those at the wrong end of the club tend to have clearer perceptions of reality.”
3.5. Cynical essays on power, government, war and propaganda in the context of the US, from the Cold War to the early 2000’s. I’m no expert on such topics so a bit of the discussion and assumed knowledge went over my head but I did take a few notes.
I find it infuriating that those in power prioritise power and profit over human survival and wellbeing.
Control of opinion and attitude are modern oppression tactics.
‘Public relations’ is a more palatable term for thought manipulation and propaganda.
Chomsky compared the elimination of native peoples in the US and Australia with the Nazi elimination of Jews. One of those genocides has historically been more unforgivable to public perception in the US and Australia than the others.
It was intriguing to read that the US’ so called ‘war on terror’ was a pretext for their attempt to gain strategic position and resources in the Middle East.
Sadly the same themes and conflicts continue.
3.5. Cynical essays on power, government, war and propaganda in the context of the US, from the Cold War to the early 2000’s. I’m no expert on such topics so a bit of the discussion and assumed knowledge went over my head but I did take a few notes.
I find it infuriating that those in power prioritise power and profit over human survival and wellbeing.
Control of opinion and attitude are modern oppression tactics.
‘Public relations’ is a more palatable term for thought manipulation and propaganda.
Chomsky compared the elimination of native peoples in the US and Australia with the Nazi elimination of Jews. One of those genocides has historically been more unforgivable to public perception in the US and Australia than the others.
It was intriguing to read that the US’ so called ‘war on terror’ was a pretext for their attempt to gain strategic position and resources in the Middle East.
Sadly the same themes and conflicts continue.
November 15, 2018
Works written by Noam Chomsky is my guilty pleasure. His attitude, ideas and visions are refreshing and challenge my thinking. I like his deep-researched conclusions and courageous statements. I don't know if he is right but I am sure that our political and economical systems are unjust and leave too many people behind.
April 10, 2019
Trumpas straipsnių rinkinys, kuriame atsiskleidžia pagrindinės Chomsky idėjos. Nepailstantis JAV užsienio politikos ir propagandos mašinos kritikas, Noam Chomsky atskleidžia dabarties ir praeities įvykius bei kaip jais manipuliuojama. Chomsky yra anarchistas, todėl jis kalba apie tai, kas dažnai nutylima korporacijų valdomoje žiniasklaidoje. Pvz, Vietnamo karas. Kodėl Sovietų Sąjungos įvykdytas Afganistano užpuolimas buvo laikomas "agresija", o JAV agresija Pietų Vietnamo atžvilgiu buvo laikoma "gynyba"?(P.58.).
Ši trumpa knyga visų pirma skiriama tiems, kurie domisi politinėmis ideologijomis ir kaip veikia JAV propagandos mechanizmas. Knygoje trumpai aptariami klasikinis liberalizmas ir libertarinis socializmas(Bakuninas, Williamas Paulas). Žinoma, visa tai tik pradžia ir to tikrai neužteks, jeigu siekiate suprasti Markso ar Bakunino idėjas, komunistų ir anarchistų politinius skirtumas. Vis dėlto, tai smagi knyga, kuri skatina susimąstyti apie mūsų padėtį bet kurioje valstybėje. Chomsky kalba apie valstybės prasmę, apie terorą, Spalio revoliuciją, Paryžiaus komuną, valstybinį socializmą ir valstybinį kapitalizmą.
Chomsky visada yra už laisvą laisvų žmonių pasirinkimą. Jis parodo, kad žmogus, tarsi ir gyvendamas laisvoje ir demokratiškoje visuomenėje, iš tikrųjų elgiasi ir mąsto taip, kaip jam nurodo suinteresuotų grupių valdoma žiniasklaida. Žinoma, kaip viename interviu prisipažino pats Chomsky, tai neveikia šimtu procentų, tačiau žiniasklaida įvairiais būdais sugeba paveikti protą, pavyzdžiui, kai sukuria vienodai mąstančių žmonių(valdančiosios klasės) debatų iliuziją.
JAV, europiečių žiniasklaidoje dažnai vaizduojama kaip už demokratiją ir saugumą pasaulyje kovojanti valstybė, čia parodoma kitokia. Joje korporacijos veikia sau, o valdžia sau, valdantysis elitas imasi tokios užsienio politikos, kuri nesiderina su rinkėjų lūkesčiais(Vietnamo karas,P.44).
Ar tai stebina? Ne, tačiau tikrai turėtų. Mūsų "laisvasis pasaulis" yra labiau Orweliškas nei mes kada galėtume įsivaizduoti.
Žinoma, Chomsky kalba apie JAV, tačiau kiekvienoje kapitalistinėje demokratinėje valstybėje vyksta panašūs dalykai. Lietuvoje puikiausias pavyzdys yra LLRI, leidžiantis neįtikėtinas propagandines knygas.
Kas finansuoja tokią knygų leidybą?
Tokie patys(ideologiškai) žmonės, kurie pateikti Noam Chomsky knygoje.
Ši trumpa knyga visų pirma skiriama tiems, kurie domisi politinėmis ideologijomis ir kaip veikia JAV propagandos mechanizmas. Knygoje trumpai aptariami klasikinis liberalizmas ir libertarinis socializmas(Bakuninas, Williamas Paulas). Žinoma, visa tai tik pradžia ir to tikrai neužteks, jeigu siekiate suprasti Markso ar Bakunino idėjas, komunistų ir anarchistų politinius skirtumas. Vis dėlto, tai smagi knyga, kuri skatina susimąstyti apie mūsų padėtį bet kurioje valstybėje. Chomsky kalba apie valstybės prasmę, apie terorą, Spalio revoliuciją, Paryžiaus komuną, valstybinį socializmą ir valstybinį kapitalizmą.
Chomsky visada yra už laisvą laisvų žmonių pasirinkimą. Jis parodo, kad žmogus, tarsi ir gyvendamas laisvoje ir demokratiškoje visuomenėje, iš tikrųjų elgiasi ir mąsto taip, kaip jam nurodo suinteresuotų grupių valdoma žiniasklaida. Žinoma, kaip viename interviu prisipažino pats Chomsky, tai neveikia šimtu procentų, tačiau žiniasklaida įvairiais būdais sugeba paveikti protą, pavyzdžiui, kai sukuria vienodai mąstančių žmonių(valdančiosios klasės) debatų iliuziją.
JAV, europiečių žiniasklaidoje dažnai vaizduojama kaip už demokratiją ir saugumą pasaulyje kovojanti valstybė, čia parodoma kitokia. Joje korporacijos veikia sau, o valdžia sau, valdantysis elitas imasi tokios užsienio politikos, kuri nesiderina su rinkėjų lūkesčiais(Vietnamo karas,P.44).
Ar tai stebina? Ne, tačiau tikrai turėtų. Mūsų "laisvasis pasaulis" yra labiau Orweliškas nei mes kada galėtume įsivaizduoti.
Žinoma, Chomsky kalba apie JAV, tačiau kiekvienoje kapitalistinėje demokratinėje valstybėje vyksta panašūs dalykai. Lietuvoje puikiausias pavyzdys yra LLRI, leidžiantis neįtikėtinas propagandines knygas.
Kas finansuoja tokią knygų leidybą?
Tokie patys(ideologiškai) žmonės, kurie pateikti Noam Chomsky knygoje.
August 12, 2022
A polemic from Chomsky. Reading this in 2022 it is startling how much is prescient from 2004. The "doctrines and visions" espoused in the first few years of the century - linked to the 'War on Terror' and the subsequent invasion of Iraq - endangered democracy and so undermined international law that much law breaking and further conflict would follow. All this with little recourse to international law and with protagonists across the globe (and in opposition to the USA) emboldened. Little did he know of the end game that came to Iraq or Afghanistan or then Ukraine and now (possibly) Taiwan and the rise of Trmupian populism. There were (in 2004) "many signs of serious erosion of democratic culture" which was "under multi-pronged assaults" and would lead to a "democratic deficit" in the future. Timely STILL to read such analysis.
April 23, 2021
Toujours un plaisir de lire Noam Chomsky, même si au final on est plutôt effaré et en colère par ce qu'il révèle. Mais c'est surtout le plaisir de lire une pensée pertinente et claire. Pas besoin de mots obscures ou d'arguments compliqués et tordus pour montrer l'hypocrisie et les mensonges, il suffit de montrer les faits et la logique qu'il y a derrière.
Le livre par contre brasse beaucoup de choses qui sont parfois juste survolées. J'aurais aimé que ce soit plus développé. Après c'est un livre d'entretiens donc forcément ce qu'on gagne en rapidité de lecture on le perd en approfondissement. Mais l'avantage c'est aussi que ça donne envie d'en apprendre plus, pour résister intellectuellement à l'endoctrinement.
Le livre par contre brasse beaucoup de choses qui sont parfois juste survolées. J'aurais aimé que ce soit plus développé. Après c'est un livre d'entretiens donc forcément ce qu'on gagne en rapidité de lecture on le perd en approfondissement. Mais l'avantage c'est aussi que ça donne envie d'en apprendre plus, pour résister intellectuellement à l'endoctrinement.
December 11, 2025
La doctrine des bonnes intentions (Die Doktrin der guten Absichten)
Amerika versteckt sich oft hinter „guten Absichten“, um seine imperiale Strategie zu rechtfertigen. In diesem Buch seziert Noam Chomsky meisterhaft diese sogenannte „Doktrin“ und ihre historische Entwicklung. Er zeigt auf, wie sie mit Propaganda, Bildung, dem Berufsheer, scheinbarer „Reue“ ohne echte Wiedergutmachung vergangener Verfehlungen sowie dem Aufstieg des religiösen Fundamentalismus in den Vereinigten Staaten verknüpft ist. Chomsky gelingt es, die Analyse gleichzeitig aufschlussreich, lebendig und humorvoll zu gestalten, sodass der Leser die Mechanismen hinter Macht und Moral klar erkennen kann.
Amerika versteckt sich oft hinter „guten Absichten“, um seine imperiale Strategie zu rechtfertigen. In diesem Buch seziert Noam Chomsky meisterhaft diese sogenannte „Doktrin“ und ihre historische Entwicklung. Er zeigt auf, wie sie mit Propaganda, Bildung, dem Berufsheer, scheinbarer „Reue“ ohne echte Wiedergutmachung vergangener Verfehlungen sowie dem Aufstieg des religiösen Fundamentalismus in den Vereinigten Staaten verknüpft ist. Chomsky gelingt es, die Analyse gleichzeitig aufschlussreich, lebendig und humorvoll zu gestalten, sodass der Leser die Mechanismen hinter Macht und Moral klar erkennen kann.
March 30, 2020
I am not totally new to Noam Chomsky, i've red plenty of his contributions on different topics here and there, the thing is : he always impress me with his moral values, his wisdom and his way of presenting things and nowaday problems like " how didn't we think of things this way for so long ".
This series of interviews isn't centred around one lone subject but it just gives us a glimpse of the renewed professor and activist, the way he sees things and how to deal with them.
This series of interviews isn't centred around one lone subject but it just gives us a glimpse of the renewed professor and activist, the way he sees things and how to deal with them.
November 9, 2017
Classical Chomsky. May be a bit too much fragmented for entry level Chomsky'ian. Review of government in the future, American style propaganda, soviets vs. socialists etc Fresh and sane look at issues people face for centuries.
February 9, 2015
May 2012.
A little book about politics which reminded me why I now rarely read about politics.
Chomsky's views don't seem unusual or hugely controversial to me - surely a reflection of some of the people I know and the few news media sources I do see. He considers US international relations to be primarily motivated by a desire to retain power, an idea which wouldn't have been surprising even way before I wrote my dissertation on Machiavelli.
The most recent material here was written in 2004: already there are discussions of the US government's plans for pulling out of Iraq - it brings home just how long that business has been rumbling on...most of this century.
Chomsky's conspiracy-theory tone is dark and pessimistic - but then he's not an author one would go to in order to be told both sides of an argument. The cynical and somewhat paranoid atmosphere of his writing is such that I would have liked some (partial) counterarguments from people who are still on the left, but I'm too jaded, and not interested enough, to seek out the sources for myself. A psychological analysis of politicians' motives would have been interesting: perhaps some of them believe they are doing good rather than consciously scheming for power.
And for all that Chomsky decries US hegemony, he sometimes slips into assuming the universality of the American perspective. In a chapter-opening paragraph in which only England has so far been discussed, he refers to "Wilsonian idealism" and I'm trying to remember exactly what about Harold Wilson he may mean. But a few sentences later it becomes clear he's talking about Woodrow.
And now for something completely different. (And being grateful that this luxury is available.)
A little book about politics which reminded me why I now rarely read about politics.
Chomsky's views don't seem unusual or hugely controversial to me - surely a reflection of some of the people I know and the few news media sources I do see. He considers US international relations to be primarily motivated by a desire to retain power, an idea which wouldn't have been surprising even way before I wrote my dissertation on Machiavelli.
The most recent material here was written in 2004: already there are discussions of the US government's plans for pulling out of Iraq - it brings home just how long that business has been rumbling on...most of this century.
Chomsky's conspiracy-theory tone is dark and pessimistic - but then he's not an author one would go to in order to be told both sides of an argument. The cynical and somewhat paranoid atmosphere of his writing is such that I would have liked some (partial) counterarguments from people who are still on the left, but I'm too jaded, and not interested enough, to seek out the sources for myself. A psychological analysis of politicians' motives would have been interesting: perhaps some of them believe they are doing good rather than consciously scheming for power.
And for all that Chomsky decries US hegemony, he sometimes slips into assuming the universality of the American perspective. In a chapter-opening paragraph in which only England has so far been discussed, he refers to "Wilsonian idealism" and I'm trying to remember exactly what about Harold Wilson he may mean. But a few sentences later it becomes clear he's talking about Woodrow.
And now for something completely different. (And being grateful that this luxury is available.)
June 8, 2020
Essentially a pamphlet/essay, this suffers somewhat from the format. It's not substantial enough to be anything other than a Chomsky primer, and has a few drawbacks in this regard. Those familiar with Chomsky's political writing will know that one of the most impressive aspects of this work is how typically dense with references and thoroughly backed-up it tends to be, and the fact that the footnotes for Doctrines and Visions need to be found online somewhat diminishes this effect.
Moreover, Chomsky's tone grows ever more bitterly sardonic as he ages, and the elliptical tone he sometimes adopts for such a concise piece with a broad range may well confuse a reader unfamiliar with his stylistic quirks. Still, it's hard not to conclude that his bleakly sarcastic asides are warranted, and a perfectly rational response to the absurdist nature of US/UK foreign policy and mainstream media coverage thereof. Moreover, I'm always learning new things from Chomsky, and if this book prompts anyone else to look up, say, Orlando Bosch or Emmanuel Constant on Wikipedia, especially if the idea that the US would give succor to such men is an unthinkable one, then it will have done a valuable job.
Moreover, Chomsky's tone grows ever more bitterly sardonic as he ages, and the elliptical tone he sometimes adopts for such a concise piece with a broad range may well confuse a reader unfamiliar with his stylistic quirks. Still, it's hard not to conclude that his bleakly sarcastic asides are warranted, and a perfectly rational response to the absurdist nature of US/UK foreign policy and mainstream media coverage thereof. Moreover, I'm always learning new things from Chomsky, and if this book prompts anyone else to look up, say, Orlando Bosch or Emmanuel Constant on Wikipedia, especially if the idea that the US would give succor to such men is an unthinkable one, then it will have done a valuable job.
July 25, 2012
Started off interesting, but soon I got lost in the density of the politics. Also, it's almost a decade out of date, so I wasn't even sure of the accuracy of what I was reading.
October 18, 2012
Sunku pasakyti. Pirmąkart skaičiau Chomskį. Įdomu matyt. Trūksta asmeniškai politikos pagrindų matyt.
Displaying 1 - 13 of 13 reviews