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The Last of the Fathers: James Madison and the Republican Legacy
James Madison survived longer than any other member of the most remarkable generation of political leaders in American history. Born in the middle of the eighteenth century as a subject of King George II, the Father of the United States Constitution lived until 1836, when he died a citizen of Andrew Jackson's republic. For over forty years he played a pivotal role in the creation and defense of a new political order. He lived long enough to see even that Revolutionary world transformed, and the system of government he had nurtured threatened by the disruptive forces of a new era that would ultimately lead to civil war. In recounting the experience of Madison and several of his legatees who witnessed the violent test of whether his republic could endure, McCoy dramatizes the actual working out in human lives of critical cultural and political issues.
373 pages, Paperback
First published March 31, 1989
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About the author
Drew R. McCoy
3 books2 followersA specialist in American political and intellectual history, Drew McCoy is Jacob and Frances Hiatt Professor of History at Clark University. He received his A.B. from Cornell University in 1971, and his M.A. (1973) and his Ph.D. (1976) from the University of Virginia.
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Displaying 1 - 14 of 14 reviews
May 3, 2023
On March 4, 1817, James Madison began a new phase in his life. Over the previous 65 years, Madison had occupied in a variety of roles. As a young man, he had served in Virginia’s House of Delegates and in the Continental Congress. His performance in those roles led to his selection in 1787 to be one of his state’s delegates at the Philadelphia convention that produced the Constitution of the United States. Once the new document was ratified he was elected five times to United States Congress before serving sixteen years in the executive branch, first spending eight years as Secretary of State, then two terms as the fourth President of the United States. Now, having just concluded his time in the latter office, Madison was returning to his home Montpelier and transitioning to something quite different: retirement.
In the two decades that followed, Madison occupied his time by corresponding with friends, entertaining visitors, and his efforts to restore his diminished financial condition in a market of declining commodity and land prices. As Drew McCoy demonstrates, however, perhaps his most important activity during these years was his ongoing engagement with public events. His book is an account of this engagement within the context of Madison’s vision for the nation, showing how the last of the “Founding Fathers” sought to perpetuate his republican ideals in response to events in antebellum America and the challenges he faced in doing so.
Among Madison’s greatest assets in this effort was the public goodwill that he took with him into retirement. Madison left the presidency enjoying considerable popularity, which McCoy attributes to the lingering relief at having survived the crises the country faced during his time in office. Though his indecisive and ineffective leadership as president is regarded today as a contributing factor to those problems, Madison’s contemporaries celebrated the “republican restraint” he exercised as the nation’s chief executive. This enhanced his stature as one of the surviving leaders of the generation that had forged a new nation, one that Madison fostered further with his openness. Unlike his friend Thomas Jefferson, who grew increasingly self-absorbed in his final years, Madison kept up with current events, reading several newspapers and responding to numerous letters from people involved with public affairs who solicited his advice and support.
This engagement reflected Madison’s eagerness to share his wisdom with the generation of Americans now assuming power. Regarding himself as a steward of the republican experience he had done so much to establish, he sought to perpetuate his vision for the nation’s government by providing statesmanlike counsel to all who asked. This faced several formidable challenges. Foremost among them was the shifting political context, as the expansion of popular participation in politics undermined the conservatism of Madison’s constitutional vision. Many of the people engaged in the public debates of the 1820s and 1830s – over Missouri statehood, the Jacksonian movement, and the tariff and the nullification crisis, to name some of the most contentious – sought to invoke Madison in support of their ideas. Often they were dismayed by his response, which proved more moderate than they desired or contradicted the preferred interpretation of his words. Yet rather than accepting his explanation, often they responded by informing Madison instead that their take was truer to his original intent.
To be fair to them, Madison himself found it difficult to remain true to his vision for the nation. Nothing demonstrated this better than his ongoing relationship with the institution of slavery. As was the case for many of his generation, Madison saw slavery as a regrettable necessity that he believed needed to be excised for the good of the republic. Yet here McCoy cites Madison’s underlying conservatism as the reason for his failure to address it satisfactorily, as his advocacy for “diffusing” slavery by allowing its expansion was greeted with skepticism even by his oldest friends. Nor was Madison even able to practice what he preached, as his straitened finances forced him reluctantly to sell some of the enslaved persons on his own plantation, and to will the remainder to his wife Dolley upon his death rather than emancipating them as had fellow slaveholders of his generation.
Yet for all his discomfort with the persistence of slavery and his disappointment with the direction of the nation, Madison never lost his republican idealism or his faith its eventual success. Though Madison did not live to witness the challenge posed to it by the secession crisis and the civil war that followed, McCoy uses the experiences of three of his “disciples” – Nicholas Trist, Edward Coles, and Edward Rives – to suggest how the Madisonian vision played out after his death. While some may find this approach a bit unorthodox, it fits well with the rest of his book. Through his analysis of his subject’s writings and activities, McCoy shows how both Madison and the antebellum generation sought to reconcile the legacy of the American Revolution to the challenges of a maturing independence. It is a brilliant study of a practice that Americans pursue down to the present day, and should be read by all who do so to better appreciate the challenges that come with adhering to the vision of those who established our country.
In the two decades that followed, Madison occupied his time by corresponding with friends, entertaining visitors, and his efforts to restore his diminished financial condition in a market of declining commodity and land prices. As Drew McCoy demonstrates, however, perhaps his most important activity during these years was his ongoing engagement with public events. His book is an account of this engagement within the context of Madison’s vision for the nation, showing how the last of the “Founding Fathers” sought to perpetuate his republican ideals in response to events in antebellum America and the challenges he faced in doing so.
Among Madison’s greatest assets in this effort was the public goodwill that he took with him into retirement. Madison left the presidency enjoying considerable popularity, which McCoy attributes to the lingering relief at having survived the crises the country faced during his time in office. Though his indecisive and ineffective leadership as president is regarded today as a contributing factor to those problems, Madison’s contemporaries celebrated the “republican restraint” he exercised as the nation’s chief executive. This enhanced his stature as one of the surviving leaders of the generation that had forged a new nation, one that Madison fostered further with his openness. Unlike his friend Thomas Jefferson, who grew increasingly self-absorbed in his final years, Madison kept up with current events, reading several newspapers and responding to numerous letters from people involved with public affairs who solicited his advice and support.
This engagement reflected Madison’s eagerness to share his wisdom with the generation of Americans now assuming power. Regarding himself as a steward of the republican experience he had done so much to establish, he sought to perpetuate his vision for the nation’s government by providing statesmanlike counsel to all who asked. This faced several formidable challenges. Foremost among them was the shifting political context, as the expansion of popular participation in politics undermined the conservatism of Madison’s constitutional vision. Many of the people engaged in the public debates of the 1820s and 1830s – over Missouri statehood, the Jacksonian movement, and the tariff and the nullification crisis, to name some of the most contentious – sought to invoke Madison in support of their ideas. Often they were dismayed by his response, which proved more moderate than they desired or contradicted the preferred interpretation of his words. Yet rather than accepting his explanation, often they responded by informing Madison instead that their take was truer to his original intent.
To be fair to them, Madison himself found it difficult to remain true to his vision for the nation. Nothing demonstrated this better than his ongoing relationship with the institution of slavery. As was the case for many of his generation, Madison saw slavery as a regrettable necessity that he believed needed to be excised for the good of the republic. Yet here McCoy cites Madison’s underlying conservatism as the reason for his failure to address it satisfactorily, as his advocacy for “diffusing” slavery by allowing its expansion was greeted with skepticism even by his oldest friends. Nor was Madison even able to practice what he preached, as his straitened finances forced him reluctantly to sell some of the enslaved persons on his own plantation, and to will the remainder to his wife Dolley upon his death rather than emancipating them as had fellow slaveholders of his generation.
Yet for all his discomfort with the persistence of slavery and his disappointment with the direction of the nation, Madison never lost his republican idealism or his faith its eventual success. Though Madison did not live to witness the challenge posed to it by the secession crisis and the civil war that followed, McCoy uses the experiences of three of his “disciples” – Nicholas Trist, Edward Coles, and Edward Rives – to suggest how the Madisonian vision played out after his death. While some may find this approach a bit unorthodox, it fits well with the rest of his book. Through his analysis of his subject’s writings and activities, McCoy shows how both Madison and the antebellum generation sought to reconcile the legacy of the American Revolution to the challenges of a maturing independence. It is a brilliant study of a practice that Americans pursue down to the present day, and should be read by all who do so to better appreciate the challenges that come with adhering to the vision of those who established our country.
December 9, 2020
Have you ever discovered a crystalline rock and picked it up to have a closer look? You might examine one side, flip it around and over and upside down to examine the other side, hold it up to the sun at various angles to see how the rays hit it in different ways and affect the way it looks every which way you turn it.
That's what this book is like.
In what is ostensibly a look at James Madison's retirement years and legacy, McCoy leaves no stone unturned (to extend the metaphor). A point is made, followed by 47 pieces of evidence in support of that point, largely from Madison's own writings and from those of his contemporaries and later historians. While the focus is on Madison's later years, the book often reflects back on his earlier political career. And the book's chapters are organized thematically rather than chronologically, so altogether, the timeline ultimately covers Madison's entire life, and beyond.
The middle sections are heavy on constitutional and political theory, while the opening and closing chapters, which examine Madison's presidential legacy and his views on slavery, are strongest, such as it is. But McCoy never seems to make compelling arguments, preferring instead to hold the rock up to the light and simply describe each and every viewpoint dispassionately.
In the opening chapter, for example, we are told that "convention has it" and "scholars generally agree" that Madison was a brilliant political thinker but a failed president, as McCoy lays out a pretty convincing argument to this effect. But then he goes on to cite others who say Madison's presidency wasn't actually so bad. Is McCoy just presenting all sides and letting you decide for yourself? Or is he making such a weak case in support of his own conclusions that you can't even tell what his conclusions are?
The book is nothing if not thorough. And clearly a tremendous amount of research and thought went into it. I had hoped that this would be a Joseph Ellis-style character study, but it's generally too scholarly to be readable or particularly enjoyable. There's no real attempt to tell a story or create a compelling narrative - the ending is so random and abrupt that I had to check to make sure pages weren't missing from my copy.
Madison has been the subject of a flurry of great books in recent years. So this book, which is more than three decades old now, has probably served its purpose as a research guide for the authors of the more recent works. Anyone but the most ardent Madison scholar would probably do well to check out one of those books instead.
That's what this book is like.
In what is ostensibly a look at James Madison's retirement years and legacy, McCoy leaves no stone unturned (to extend the metaphor). A point is made, followed by 47 pieces of evidence in support of that point, largely from Madison's own writings and from those of his contemporaries and later historians. While the focus is on Madison's later years, the book often reflects back on his earlier political career. And the book's chapters are organized thematically rather than chronologically, so altogether, the timeline ultimately covers Madison's entire life, and beyond.
The middle sections are heavy on constitutional and political theory, while the opening and closing chapters, which examine Madison's presidential legacy and his views on slavery, are strongest, such as it is. But McCoy never seems to make compelling arguments, preferring instead to hold the rock up to the light and simply describe each and every viewpoint dispassionately.
In the opening chapter, for example, we are told that "convention has it" and "scholars generally agree" that Madison was a brilliant political thinker but a failed president, as McCoy lays out a pretty convincing argument to this effect. But then he goes on to cite others who say Madison's presidency wasn't actually so bad. Is McCoy just presenting all sides and letting you decide for yourself? Or is he making such a weak case in support of his own conclusions that you can't even tell what his conclusions are?
The book is nothing if not thorough. And clearly a tremendous amount of research and thought went into it. I had hoped that this would be a Joseph Ellis-style character study, but it's generally too scholarly to be readable or particularly enjoyable. There's no real attempt to tell a story or create a compelling narrative - the ending is so random and abrupt that I had to check to make sure pages weren't missing from my copy.
Madison has been the subject of a flurry of great books in recent years. So this book, which is more than three decades old now, has probably served its purpose as a research guide for the authors of the more recent works. Anyone but the most ardent Madison scholar would probably do well to check out one of those books instead.
July 28, 2022
Drew McCoy has written a stellar book on the last 19 years of the life of James Madison. From the time he left the Presidency in 1817 to his death in 1836, he may have retired from public service for the most part except for a stint in the Virginia Convention of 1829-1830. Yet, Madison's mind stayed alert and he made many interesting and trenchant views on the most important issues of the day. Madison was intent on keeping the country united and he constantly reminded those that corresponded with him of the necessity of compromise. Constantly invoking the desires of the Founding Fathers in Philadelphia in 1787, he wanted to make Americans aware of the fragility of the government and its unique characteristics in a world still beset by monarchies and dynasties. Although he hewed closely to the Jeffersonian traditions, he did have some major differences with his Virginia neighbor. Madison was a proponent of colonization and diffusion and these do not sit well with modern readers. It is a sign of the times that he lived in when he could not fashion a society of blacks and whites peacefully coexisting together. And yet, he had a good relationship with the slaves who attended him in his home at Montpelier. McCoy brings Madison to life and for that we are all grateful.
February 15, 2012
In this work, Drew McCoy traces James Madison towards the end of his life. Madison is the only one left, Jefferson has been gone for over half a decade and James Monroe has been gone for just that. The nation that they built is being run by a new generation, it is larger, it is more powerful, and it is, strangely enough, even more divided. Yet, Madison is as active as ever, the former president, finds himself getting back into the political arena to fight again. The issues drive Madison, nullification is the primary target, and Madison himself feels somewhat responsible for this, since the nullifiers quote his work. He also tries to find a solution to the slavery problem and wipe it out forever. One of these he is incredible helpful the other he is not.
The nullifiers, looking for support, had approached Madison, but Madison would have none of it. The nullifiers had thought he would be on their side, since it was his earlier work they were quoting. McCoy shows that Madison took them head on writing letter after letter and paper after paper, trying to convince the American people that the nullifiers were completely wrong about their position.
"Nullification defied more. However, than the irrefutable history of the formation of the regime; it contravened as well the fundamental tenet of republican government: that the will of the majority must ultimately prevail. On the ground of principal alone, Madison reflected a theory that implied that a single state `may arrest the operation of a law of the United States, and institute a process which is to terminate in the ascendancy of a minority over a large majority, in a Republican System, the characteristic rule of which the major will is the ruling will.'" p.136
As a result, the nullifiers would turn on Madison; they would insult him, belittle his accomplishments, or try to say he was too old to understand his own self. Fortunately for Madison, over the years he inspired many people, some of whom became public servants themselves and would fight for him and his cause.
"Perhaps Madison braved a wry grin as he read the report of the Brodnax speech in the Enquirer. But if he were in a mood to relish irony, he must have enjoyed much more the comments of delegate Wallace, who blasted the youthful arrogance of Madison's many detractors. `His commentary on his own Report,' the delegate from Fauquier County complained, `has been tauntingly spoken of as a mere letter, by those who were in the feebleness of infancy, when this venerable sage, in the vigor of his perfect manhood, stood on the battlements of constitutional liberty, their ablest and most successful defender.' It seemed, Wallace quipped, that `the order of nature is reversed: Youth has become the season of wisdom and experience, and age the period of rashness, ambition, and folly.'" p.154-5
While he was good on nullification, he was bad the cause of abolition. Although to quote a later U.S. President, Madison's errors were of his judgment not his intent. In order to rid the world of slavery he would support two ideas that he felt would solve the problem. In Madison's estimation slavery was most oppressive in areas where the free to slave ratio favored the slaves and least oppressive when slave population was very small. This is why slavery was easily rid of in the Northern states, because their slave populations were small, and slavery was even more oppressive in the Caribbean than the American South, because their free populations were small. White settlers moving west not being allowed to take any the slave population with them was making the White population the minority in some areas. The solution, according to Madison, was diffusion and colonization. Allowing the slavery to be legal in the old Southwest, would shrink the slave population in each state allowing slavery to disappear. The former slaves would be allowed to form their own country by building a colony in Africa. Both these ideas were foolish and unrealistic but Madison really believed in them, it was Madison at his worst. Fortunately, others, like General Lafayette, saw through the ridiculous idea.
"But Lafayette would not buy this bill of goods, even from Jefferson. He politely but firmly demurred: `Are you Sure, My dear Friend, that Extending the principle of Slavery to the New Raised States is a Method to facilitate the Means of Getting Rid of it? I would Have thought that By Spreading the prejudices, Habits, and Calculations of planters over a larger Surface You Rather Encrease the difficulties of final liberation.'" p.270
McCoy presents a window into the last years of a legend who is still fighting for the nation that he had help found. Madison is probably one of the most under appreciated historical figures. The United States owes to him a great deal, for the Republic might not have stood without him. However, with that written, McCoy's Last of the Fathers is only for advanced readers, who must really enjoy James Madison and constitutional theory. This is a book for graduate students in constitutional studies.
The nullifiers, looking for support, had approached Madison, but Madison would have none of it. The nullifiers had thought he would be on their side, since it was his earlier work they were quoting. McCoy shows that Madison took them head on writing letter after letter and paper after paper, trying to convince the American people that the nullifiers were completely wrong about their position.
"Nullification defied more. However, than the irrefutable history of the formation of the regime; it contravened as well the fundamental tenet of republican government: that the will of the majority must ultimately prevail. On the ground of principal alone, Madison reflected a theory that implied that a single state `may arrest the operation of a law of the United States, and institute a process which is to terminate in the ascendancy of a minority over a large majority, in a Republican System, the characteristic rule of which the major will is the ruling will.'" p.136
As a result, the nullifiers would turn on Madison; they would insult him, belittle his accomplishments, or try to say he was too old to understand his own self. Fortunately for Madison, over the years he inspired many people, some of whom became public servants themselves and would fight for him and his cause.
"Perhaps Madison braved a wry grin as he read the report of the Brodnax speech in the Enquirer. But if he were in a mood to relish irony, he must have enjoyed much more the comments of delegate Wallace, who blasted the youthful arrogance of Madison's many detractors. `His commentary on his own Report,' the delegate from Fauquier County complained, `has been tauntingly spoken of as a mere letter, by those who were in the feebleness of infancy, when this venerable sage, in the vigor of his perfect manhood, stood on the battlements of constitutional liberty, their ablest and most successful defender.' It seemed, Wallace quipped, that `the order of nature is reversed: Youth has become the season of wisdom and experience, and age the period of rashness, ambition, and folly.'" p.154-5
While he was good on nullification, he was bad the cause of abolition. Although to quote a later U.S. President, Madison's errors were of his judgment not his intent. In order to rid the world of slavery he would support two ideas that he felt would solve the problem. In Madison's estimation slavery was most oppressive in areas where the free to slave ratio favored the slaves and least oppressive when slave population was very small. This is why slavery was easily rid of in the Northern states, because their slave populations were small, and slavery was even more oppressive in the Caribbean than the American South, because their free populations were small. White settlers moving west not being allowed to take any the slave population with them was making the White population the minority in some areas. The solution, according to Madison, was diffusion and colonization. Allowing the slavery to be legal in the old Southwest, would shrink the slave population in each state allowing slavery to disappear. The former slaves would be allowed to form their own country by building a colony in Africa. Both these ideas were foolish and unrealistic but Madison really believed in them, it was Madison at his worst. Fortunately, others, like General Lafayette, saw through the ridiculous idea.
"But Lafayette would not buy this bill of goods, even from Jefferson. He politely but firmly demurred: `Are you Sure, My dear Friend, that Extending the principle of Slavery to the New Raised States is a Method to facilitate the Means of Getting Rid of it? I would Have thought that By Spreading the prejudices, Habits, and Calculations of planters over a larger Surface You Rather Encrease the difficulties of final liberation.'" p.270
McCoy presents a window into the last years of a legend who is still fighting for the nation that he had help found. Madison is probably one of the most under appreciated historical figures. The United States owes to him a great deal, for the Republic might not have stood without him. However, with that written, McCoy's Last of the Fathers is only for advanced readers, who must really enjoy James Madison and constitutional theory. This is a book for graduate students in constitutional studies.
March 26, 2021
This is a book written by an academic for other academics. It's not accessible to a lay audience. It's written with language, and in a style, that makes you want to put it down for something else. It focuses on Madison's retirement years, which may be interesting to Madison scholars, but arguably are much less so to the rest of us. I understand that it may be THE source for Madison's views on slavery, but beyond that it did not offer much.
March 11, 2011
This isn't a fluffy biography. It is carefully researched and cited and includes some really thought provoking arguments. I especially appreciated the nuanced treatment of Madison's position on slavery. Primarily the book covers the time after Madison's presidency and into his old age so if you're looking for a run down of his life before and during his time as president this book isn't for you.
July 18, 2023
I was not expecting to like this book as it seemed a bit too scholarly on first glance — I really wanted more of a narrative based book on the final years of James Madison. Instead this was a book more about his philosophy after his years of experience and the struggle he saw coming in regards to government, slavery, and Union. Many of his observations still hold and I found that fascinating. In the end, I was pleasantly surprised to find this well-written, clearly well-researched, and concise. 3.75 stars.
December 6, 2024
If one is looking for an examination of Madison's intellectual journey, then this is the book for you (with a diversion into the life and career of William Cabell Rives at the end). While fascinating, I also don't feel that the description of the book matched what I actually got from it. For folks really interested in Madison, I can't recommend it enough, but it's also not recommended for a casual reader.
November 17, 2025
This is an extremely dry and boring academic text with an extremely specific use case. If you are very obsessed with American history and obscure presidents, or need to analyze James Madison's views on slavery, then this is the book for you, I guess. It was definitely not the book for me.
September 17, 2012
This is an interesting book but I would have liked the author not to use three sentences, with the biggest words he can find, instead of one sentence. I guess history classes might not mind ersatz, filiopietism and manumission since it could be on their test but as a history enthusiast don't really end the extra high in step words.
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September 23, 2010The Last of the Fathers: James Madison & The Republican Legacy by Drew R. McCoy (1991)
July 30, 2011
An excellent study of Madison's political philosophy, it won't teach readers much about the fourth president's life. Like "American Sphinx," this book is dense and unengaging.
May 21, 2013
For history buffs and those interested in Madison particularly. The book focuses on Madison's life after the Presidency and his struggles publicly and personally with the issue of slavery.
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December 20, 2017I went to James Madison University. I love James Madison. This book is recommended in this C-Span documentary I watched.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H_4O5...
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H_4O5...
Displaying 1 - 14 of 14 reviews