Warning, this is a long review, but a passionate one.
World War Two has a lot of hotly debated subjects; one of them is when did Germany lose World War Two on the Eastern Front? Some say Stalingrad, some say Kursk, and some say Germany lost when it failed to take Moscow in 1941. The argument pushed is that Germany failed to take Moscow, and thus lost the war, because Hitler foolishly decided to use Guderian’s Panzer Army to encircle The Four Soviet armies in the Kiev pocket. This argument was pushed for years after the war by German generals, and has become a dogmatic belief for many. Behind this argument is a mythical belief that the Ostheer was a strong, motorized, and well-equipped army that was able to accomplish all of its objectives, and could’ve done so without any significant problems; it only failed because of Hitler’s meddling. It is only recently, after the Cold War, that a new truth has come to light: Germany lost its war against the Soviet Union in the first 6 weeks or so of Barbarossa, when the Ostheer failed in it’s objectives and hopes to defeat the Red Army west of the Dvina. Disparaging to the myth of the invincible Ostheer, The Wehrmacht did not have the logistical resources, materiel, or manpower to conduct a long war against the Soviet Union; they failed to grasp the industrial might, and massive amounts of Manpower the Soviet Union had at it’s disposal. Barbarossa was a gamble that failed. The Soviet Union managed to outproduce the Germans and managed to field new armies for every one the German’s destroyed. Yes, the Ostheer managed to encircle and destroy large Soviet forces, but this was due to Soviet incompetence early in the war. The Ostheer was reliant on Soviet complicity for it’s victories. This thesis is the premise of David Stahel’s book on Kiev, or should I say, his series of book’s covering Germany’s Eastern Front campaigns in 1941.
Stahel’s book is the first real modern and balanced study of the Kiev campaign, which draws on wide arrays of sources from both sides of the conflict. Stahel starts the book by writing about Lend Lease, America’s growing involvement, and then proceeds to examine the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. The Soviet Union had an economy that was prepared for war; Stalin was far sighted; he knew the Soviet Union had to industrialize and prepare for war, so that’s why he implemented his five-year plans. Stahel makes an interesting case about the Red Army purges; yes, they were wrong, and yes, they eliminated lots of leadership, but because they occurred, many younger, more talented and better generals rose to the forefront in the Great Patriotic war. Stahel then explains why the Red Army didn’t disintegrate with the German invasion and dispels a myth commonly held about why Soviet soldiers fought: the Red Army didn’t disintegrate in the first few weeks of Barbarossa because Soviet soldiers were tenacious, bold fighters, who were filled with either a patriotic spirit, a desire to defend their homes, or were zealous communists. The Soviet state emphasized heavy nationalistic propaganda during the war, and this led to millions volunteering to fight, even some emigrants returning to serve. So, this myth of Soviet soldiers fighting because of their fear of the Stalinist state can be largely discarded. Another myth dispelled by Stahel is this idea that when the Germans invaded the Ukraine, a region that was anti-communist and anti-Soviet, that they were greeted in large numbers as liberators. The truth is that most Ukrainians ended up siding with the Soviet state. When Stahel examines Nazi Germany; he explains how the Nazi state was economically, and logistically unprepared for a long-term war with the Soviet Union. Hitler and the high command were so buoyed by their success in France, that they didn’t prepare either the economy or armaments production for a long-term war with the Soviet Union. Hitler invaded the Soviet Union in the hope of securing the economic materials he needed to fight a long-term material war with Britain and America, while also securing his treasured Lebensraum.
Stahel then briefly goes through Barbarossa, following Army Group south, in the weeks leading up to the Kiev campaign. Stahel discusses the unnamed and overlooked battles occurring in the front around Army Group Center, post-Smolensk; these battles were attritional and static, but wore down the Army Group considerably and thus are worthy of mention. Another thing that Stahel discusses is the feuding between German generals and/or their feuding with Hitler, which could be a book in itself, and also discusses the situation on the Soviet side. Before Barbarossa, Franz Halder, Chief of Staff of the OKH, believed Germany needed to take Moscow to defeat the Soviet Union, as did many other generals; Hitler however, placed a lot more energy in seizing the vital resources of the Ukraine. This led to a long feud, which was enflamed after the battle of Smolensk. What’s interesting is how much the German generals hated each other, especially the case of Heinz Guderian. When Fedor Von Bock and Franz Halder wanted Guderian to meet with Hitler to convince him to focus on taking Moscow, instead of shifting to Kiev, he went into the meeting doing just that, but came out of it agreeing with Hitler; this angered Bock and Halder immensely. We don’t see this much feuding on the Soviet side. Stahel does point out how Zhukov did argue with Stalin about how Kiev was the prime target for German attack in August, not Moscow, and Stalin ended up sacking him. No matter how much these two men disagreed, Stalin always relied on Zhukov and did so during the Kiev campaign.
An interesting thing that Stahel points out is the performance of the Panzer divisions on the Eastern front. During the Barbarossa campaign, as has been talked about numerously, the Germans encountered dusty Russian roads that were unpaved; this dust would infiltrate the Panzer tanks and overwhelm the air filters, increasing oil consumption and destroying the engines. So, not only did the Red Army wear down the armored units, but so did the terrain itself. The transport fleet was also unprepared for the long distances for which it had to travel. The German army was a sword which had a sharp point in its panzer and motorized divisions, but had a brittle blade in its unmotorized infantry divisions.
Going through the Kiev campaign, it’s painful to read how brittle the German forces had become at this point. Guderian’s and Kleist’s panzers were breaking down or being ruined by the immense tracts they had to travel, on top of the fierce resistance they faced. Eremenko tried to launch a counter-attack against Guderian’s push to Ukraine, and although it failed, he did do damage to his forces. It wasn’t just resistance on the ground they faced, but as Stahel explains, the Red Airforce began to have a resurgence in this period. As German forces spread out, the priorities of the Luftwaffe became more numerous, and therefore Air fleets were spread thin, and often times had to make a choice as to which units they would give priority to in terms of air support. So, the Panzer divisions on their drive to encircle Kiev faced Soviet aerial attacks by the IL-2 Sturmovik. The Germans did seal the Kiev pocket by mid-September, but it took time for them to destroy the units trapped in it, and often times, as in earlier pockets, Soviet troops could break through, escape, or make their way into the forests and become partisans. Ultimately, 4 Soviet armies were destroyed, 600,000 men lost, and Kiev taken.
The battle of Kiev definitely had an impact on the war. For the German Homefront, it gave the people a sense that victory was around the corner, a belief that was sagging for quite some time. Goebbels capitalized on Kiev; his propaganda ministry had been successful in propping up the Ostheer and making it seem like the defeat of the Red Army was soon to come. With each encirclement, the German people began to question if there would be a quick victory or a long war, but with Kiev, they thought it was soon to come. Kiev was Hitler’s victory; Hitler had pushed for this operation, he had disregarded the OKH’s (Halder) and Von Bock’s arguments for an immediate push on Moscow, and instead wanted to secure his flank in the Ukraine. This had caused bitter disputes between Hitler and Halder, but now that Kiev was secure, Hitler, Halder and Von Bock gambled on Operation Typhoon, in the hopes that it would be the final battle that would succeed where Barbarossa failed. While they agreed on this, Kiev also deepened Hitler’s distrust and disregard for his general’s advice. The high command and many in the Axis were in the clouds when it came to this idea that victory was around the corner. Examining what the individual soldiers thought, Stahel shows us that they had a more realistic view of the war. Individual soldiers realized the war was going to be long, doubted the war would end by Christmas, and were in awe at the tenacity of the Red Army. What they experienced was contrary to the racist Nazi teachings they had learned about the Red Army being weak and filled with Subhumans. As Hitler began to take away autonomy from his generals, we see Stalin do the opposite, relying on Zhukov and others; letting them have more control over conduct of the war. As winter approached, and the Wehrmacht was preparing for Operation Typhoon, the idea of victory began to sink, and the prospects of quick war diminished. As Stahel explains, the Wehrmacht and German people began to put their faith into the Nazi concept of Will. To them, the will power of the German soldiers would triumph over all material advantages the Red Army possessed.
This book deserves it’s 5-star rating; I am an Eastern Front aficionado, and took a long break from reading about it, but lately I’ve been reading about it, re-jogging my mind again, and this book definitely gave my brain some good nutrition. I would recommend that everyone read Stahel’s first book on Barbarossa, it is scholarly, and deserving of being read. It’s not dry like David Glantz, it’s informative and narrative and well-written.