THE PATHBREAKING HISTORY STUDY OF CHRISTIAN ATTITUDES
John Eastburn Boswell (1947-1994; he died from AIDS-related complications) was a historian and professor at Yale University.
He wrote in the Preface of this 1980 book, “If religious texts are widely supposed to have been the origin of a medieval prejudice, their role in determining the attitude in question must be carefully examined; if it is assumed that scholastic opinions on a subject were an inevitable response to the force of the preceding Christian tradition, a historian who wishes to present an alternative explanation must examine the force of the previous tradition in minute detail. Only if he can demonstrate that it is insufficient explanation for the opinions in question can he expect his alternative explanation to carry much weight.” (Pg. xv)
He continues, “This book is not intended as support of criticism of any particular contemporary points of view---scientific or moral---regarding homosexuality. Where extended discussion of arguments against homosexual behavior has been presented, the aim has been twofold: to demonstrate that what may seem to have been the origin of popular antipathy in the past often was not, and to clarify crucial differences between ostensibly analogous ancient and modern objections to homosexuality… What will strike some readers as a partisan point of view is chiefly the absence of the negative attitudes on this subject ubiquitous in the modern West; after a long loud noise, a sudden silence may seem deafening.” (Pg. xv-xvi)
He notes, “two major assumptions may be mentioned as underlying the belief that homosexuality is ‘unnatural’… The most recent of these, the idea that behavior which is inherently nonreproductive is ‘unnatural’ in an evolutionary sense, is probably applied to gay people inaccurately. Nonreproductivity can … hardly be imagined to have induced intolerance of gay people in ancient societies which idolized celibacy or in modern ones which consider masturbation perfectly ‘natural’… This objection is clearly a justification rather than a cause of prejudice. The second assumption is that homosexuality does not occur among animals other than humans. In the first place, this is demonstrably false… In the second place, it is predicate on [the] assumption---that uniquely human behavior is not ‘natural’---which is fundamentally unsupportable in almost any context.” (Pg. 12)
He rejects “the idea that tolerance of or indifference toward homosexual practices was associated with the decline of Rome… The only historical basis for these notions is the relatively greater occurrence of reference to homosexual behavior in imperial than in republican literature. Information about every single aspect of Roman life survives in greater abundance from the Empire than from the Republic.” (Pg. 71)
He points out, “The Bible was not the only or even the principal source of early Christian ethics, and the biblical passages purportedly relating to homosexuality had little to do with early Christian misgivings on the subject. Very few influential theologians based objections to homosexual practice on the New Testament passages now claimed to derogate such behavior, and those who did invoked them only as support for arguments based primarily on other authorities. It is, moreover, quite clear that nothing in the Bible would have categorically precluded homosexual relations among early Christians.” (Pg. 92)
Of Sodom, he comments, “the thesis of this trend in [modern] scholarship is that Lot was violating the custom of Sodom… by entertaining unknown guests within the city walls at night without obtaining the permission of the elders of the city… the city was consequently destroyed not for sexual immorality but for the sin of inhospitality to strangers.” (Pg. 93-94) He adds, “Some modern readers may have difficulty imagining that a breach of hospitality could be so serious an offense as to warrant the destruction of a city. According to Genesis, of course, the Lord was already inclined to punish the Sodomites before the angels arrived there.” (Pg. 96)
He quotes Lev 18:22 and 20:13, then comments, “The Hebrew word ‘toevah’, here translated ‘abomination,’ does not usually signify something intrinsically evil, like rape or theft… but something which is ritually unclean for Jews, like eating pork or engaging in intercourse during menstruation, both of which are prohibited in these same chapters. It is used throughout the Old Testament to designate those Jewish sins which involve ethnic contamination or idolatry…” (Pg. 100)
He notes, “Almost no early Christian writers appealed to Leviticus as authority against homosexual acts… If the Old Testament has no specific positive role in creating early Christian attitudes toward homosexual acts, may it not have had a negative role? Would not the complete silence on the subject of gay sexuality and the … heterosexual model have predisposed Christians to reject homosexuality[?]… [This] would have constituted an extremely weak argument … In fact intense love relations between persons of the same gender figure prominently in the Old Testament---e.g., Saul and David, David and Jonathan, Ruth and Naomi---and were celebrated throughout the Middle Ages in both ecclesiastical and popular literature as examples of extraordinary devotion, sometimes with distinctly erotic overtones.” (Pg. 105)
He says of Romans 1-2, “the persons Paul condemns are manifestly not homosexual: what he derogates are homosexual acts committed by apparently heterosexual persons. The whole point of Romans 1, in fact, is to stigmatize persons who have rejected their calling, gotten off the true path they were once on… Paul did not discuss gay PERSONS but only homosexual ACTS committed by heterosexual persons.” (Pg. 109) Later, he adds, “There was no implication in the passage that homosexual acts, much less homosexual persons, were NECESSARILY sinful.” (Pg. 114)
He acknowledges, “it may well be argued that the complete silence of Christian writers on the subject and the exclusively heterosexual focus of New Testament comments on sexuality reflect general disapproval of homosexuality on the part of Jesus or the early church… [But] It is hardly surprising that Jesus and Paul, in responding to questions put to them regarding marriage, the family, and divorce, would frame their answers in terms of heterosexual relationships. Their intent was manifestly not to explain or legislate on the whole range of human affections, and they made no pretense of providing moral guidance on all forms of love. They simply answered troublesome questions about heterosexual marriage submitted to them by persons attempting to establish a new sexual morality in societies where there were… no effective means of birth control except abstinence, abortion, or abandonment of unwanted children. Gay relationships… left no one defenseless or unprovided for… That early Christian writers did not feel called upon to comment explicitly on such relationships is no more surprising than their failure to mention household pets…” (Pg. 116)
He summarizes, “The New Testament takes no demonstrable position on homosexuality. To suggest that Paul’s references to excesses of sexual indulgence involving homosexual behavior are indicative of a general position in opposition to same-sex eroticism is as unfounded as arguing that his condemnation of drunkenness implies opposition to the drinking of wine. At the very most, the effect of Christian Scripture on attitudes toward homosexuality could be described as moot. The most judicious historical perspective might be that it had no effect at all. The source of antigay feelings among Christians must be sought elsewhere.” (Pg. 117)
He notes, “[Augustine] rejected as an adult the possibility of licit homosexual relationships. IN the thirteenth century his opinion was to gain ascendancy in Christian circles, but only after vigorous opposition at many points in Christian history. Not only does there appear to have been no general prejudice against gay people among early Christians; there does not seem to have been any reason for Christianity to adopt a hostile attitude toward homosexual behavior.” (Pg. 135)
But later, “By 1300… a single homosexual act was enough to prevent absolutely ordination to any clerical rank, or---in many places---to merit the death penalty.” (Pg. 295) Then “[Thomas Aquinas] struggled… to construct a philosophical justification for classifying homosexual acts … to a position of unique enormity unparalleled since the time of Chrysostom.” (Pg. 321) Later, he adds, “it was particularly significant for gay people that Thomas’s ideas about homosexuality triumphed just at the moment when the church began to enforce orthodoxy more rigorously than ever before and to insist that everyone accept in every detail not just the infallible pronouncements of popes and councils but every statement of orthodox theologians.” (Pg. 330)
He summarizes, “Religious sanctions and intellectual support created by later medieval theology crystallized public and official expression of such attitudes in the thirteenth century and prolonged their effects for centuries thereafter; such expression both inspired and drew life from the vehement antipathy of the masses. Only when and where the latter abated did such groups experience a general amelioration of their fortunes. In the case of gay people, such changes were relatively rare and lie far beyond the scope of this study.” (Pg. 332)
With Boswell’s book, the defense of same-sex relations for Christians took a huge leap forward, in terms of historical depth and even literary quality; it is not surprising that this book won the 1981 American Book Award for History. Needless to say, it is “must reading” for anyone even remotely interested in such subjects.