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Lea Ypi est née en Albanie, le plus fermé et le plus stalinien des États satellites de l’Union soviétique en Europe. Ses parents, assoiffés de liberté, ont épousé la cause de la démocratisation dès la chute du régime honni. Aujourd’hui, Lea Ypi enseigne le marxisme dans une prestigieuse faculté de Londres.
Les jalons de ce parcours inattendu sont posés dès l’enfance. Dans une passionnante autobiographie politique, écrite à hauteur d’enfant, l’autrice décrit son amour des pionniers et du leader Enver Hoxha, sa fascination pour les réclames sur la télé italienne captée clandestinement, les files d’attente devant les magasins, les premières cannettes de Coca et la relation pleine de complicité avec sa grand-mère, fille de pacha de Thessalonique qui lui enseigne le français. En 1990, tout bascule. Ses parents, délivrés de leurs « origines bourgeoises », s’engagent en politique. Mais très vite, c’est l’ébranlement de tout un pays sous le choc néo-libéral. Rien n’est plus comme avant. Les usines ferment, tous cherchent à rejoindre l’Italie, les fusils font la loi. La jeune fille est prise dans un tourbillon politique qui est aussi un vacillement intime : qu’est-ce qu’être libre ?
Un magnifique récit aussi poignant que cocasse.
Lea Ypi est professeur de théorie politique à la London School of Economics. Enfin libre est son premier livre.
Traduit de l'anglais par Emmanuelle et Philippe Aronson.
336 pages, Paperback
First published October 28, 2021
"My family equated socialism with denial: the denial of who they wanted to be, of the right to make mistakes and learn from them, to explore the world on one’s own terms. I equated liberalism with broken promises, the destruction of solidarity, the right to inherit privilege, turning a blind eye to injustice."

My family equated socialism with denial: the denial of who they wanted to be, of the right to make mistakes and learn from them, to explore the world on one's own terms. I equated liberalism with broken promises, the destruction of solidarity, the right to inherit privilege, selfish enrichment, cultivating illusions while turning a blind eye to injustice.
When my father spoke of the revolution in general, he got as excited as my grandmother did when she spoke about the French Revolution in particular. In my family, everyone had a favourite revolution, just as everyone had a favourite summer fruit. My mother's favourite fruit was watermelon and her favourite revolution was the English one. Mine were figs and Russian. My father emphasised that he was sympathetic to all revolutions but his favourite was the one that had yet to take place. As to his favourite fruit, it was quince - but it could choke you when it wasn't fully ripe, so he was often reluctant to indulge.
'Civil society' was the new term recently added to the political vocabulary, more or less as a substitute for 'Party'. It was known that civil society had brought the Velvet Revolution to Eastern Europe. It had accelerated the decline of socialism. In our case, the term became popular when the revolution was already complete, perhaps to give meaning to a sequence of events that at first seemed unlikely, then required a label to become meaningful. It joined the other new keywords, such as 'liberalisation', which replaced 'democratic centralism'; 'privatisation', which replaced 'collectivisation'; 'transparency', which replaced 'self-criticism'; 'transition', which stayed the same but now indicated the transition from socialism to liberalism instead of the transition from socialism to communism; and 'fighting corruption', which replaced 'anti-imperialist struggle'.
My father assumed, like many in his generation, that freedom was lost when other people tell us how to think, what to do, where to go. He soon realised that coercion need not always take such a direct form. Socialism had denied him the possibility to be who he wanted, to make mistakes and learn from them, and to explore the world on his own terms. Capitalism was denying it to others, the people who depended on his decision, who worked in the port. Class struggle was not over. He could understand as much. He did not want the world to remain a place where solidarity is destroyed, where only the fittest survive, and where the price of achievement for some is the destruction of hope in others.