I picked up a copy of Paddy Ashdown’s ‘A fortunate life’ with one question in mind: what motivated someone with considerable talents to delve into politics by joining the UK Liberal Party*? When Ashdown became active in the party in 1976 the Liberals were long past their heyday of being Britain’s natural party of government. The party had only 7 seats in the 650 seat House of Commons. Of these 7, there were bitter feuds and tensions. Hardly a wise place to start for the ambitious, but then again his life didn’t conform to the usual political narrative of student politician - staffer – short stint in law – member of parliament.
So who was he? Paddy Ashdown was born in Northern Ireland, became a distinguished British Special Forces Officer, a spy and diplomat for the British foreign service, a Liberal Party MP and leader, and was the UN and EU High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Balkan conflict. Not too many MPs in any parliament brought the experience Ashdown did: fighting insurgents in the jungles of Borneo, running peacekeeping missions in Northern Ireland during the Troubles, smuggling himself into Sarajevo during its siege to bring word to the international community of the humanitarian disaster unfolding there and along the way mastering seven languages.
The autobiography follows his life chronologically, and the story is kept engaging with Ashdown’s humour. The bizarre events and rituals from his military life prove to be particularly good fodder:
“Indeed, [special forces] survival training was the subject of the shortest and most effective lesson I have ever attended. The instructor, one of our Sergeants and a mountain of a man, came into the lecture room in which we were all seated, walked up to the front and put both his arms on the lectern. ‘Right! Today you will learn survival. It’s not complicated,’ he said, pulling two very ancient pieces of bread, curled up at the edges, out of one pocket of his parachute smock. He then pulled a live frog out of the other, put it between the pieces of bread and ate it. ‘If you can do that,’ he said, ‘you will survive. If you can’t you won’t!’ Then, lecture over, he left the room, leaving us with our eyes out on stalks and a lesson we would never forget.”
Reflections offered at key events and times show how he developed a liberal political orientation, which at its heart Ashdown (in my view rightly) identifies as a deep dislike of privilege. Early on Ashdown talks of inheriting his father’s disdain for Britain’s stuffy class system, and how his experiences in the army, where a wealthy background counted for naught, shaped his conviction that a meritocratic society was a good one.
But abhorring old boys clubs, nepotism and other manifestations of privilege does not lead most people to liberalism. The ranks of socialism are the usual benefactor of such an attitude, so what then makes a liberal? Observing that the state can confer privilege and disregard merit just as callously as a powerful cliché is, to my mind, often the starting point. Though a socialist might argue that the state can be reformed to remove the long-running privileges that certain dominant groups have been afforded, and certainly this has happened over the last century, a liberal is suspicious that a majoritarian state prone to rent seeking will deliver on this promise. It’s not a pro-status quo position – leave that to conservatives – but liberalism’s default stance is skepticism of the means of creating a more egalitarian society, even if the motivation is shared. Though a Labour voter in early life, Ashdown reflects he’d never thought of himself as a socialist, as he’d witnessed the more interventionist policies of British Labour governments finish in disaster. By his thirties he had developed a nascent sense that “the encouragement of responsible individualism and the creation of an effective meritocracy” was a better path to a good society than “state intervention and social engineering”. Catalysing the break with Labour was the failure of the Callaghan (Labour) government to adopt a less confrontational industrial relations policy, and a growing fear that the UK Labour Party was entirely dependent upon the unions: “I parted company with it in disgust”.
But where to go from there? “I could never be a Tory of course, and thought the Liberal Party too small, too zany and too incoherent to be worth looking at.” What’s amazing here is that a chance encounter with a liberal canvasser, who was door-knocking in Ashdown’s neighbourhood, spurred a most impressive conversion. Ashdown told the man at his door he wouldn’t vote Liberal unless he could convince him otherwise. Two hours and a couple of cups of tea later Ashdown was sold on voting Liberal.
It’s easy to look down on political ‘grunt work’ but this story really captures how even a humble member can make a difference. Ashdown’s chance encounter with this canvasser would eventually see him become a party activist, leave a promising career in the foreign service to become a candidate in a seat that hadn’t elected a Liberal in half a century, and a party leader who transformed the party from a marginal force to a serious contender capable of forming government less than paving the way for the party to enter coalition government a decade later. Maybe the canvasser never realised that he’d just recruited the party’s most capable leader (in terms of winning seats) since Gladstone, but stories like this are a good antidote to cynicism about grass roots activism.
The story of how Ashdown, his wife Jane, and a loyal band of Liberal activists turned the seat of Yeovil into a party bastion using a deeply local focus and tireless pavement pounding will appeal to those curious about campaign tactics. Ashdown was a savvy media worker and innovative promoter. He was the first MP to use a computer and recognised early the power the internet could have in getting the message of a party with a budget a fraction the size of the major parties out effectively.
His account of the Balkan conflict is particularly moving. He visited the area countless times in efforts to meet key actors and starve off ethnic genocide, the dispersion of people from their traditional home and end the paralysis of the international community in the face of a humanitarian disaster. Not many serving MPs can tell tales of landing at makeshift airfields while the pilot prays they aren’t shot down by anti-aircraft guns, or of being smuggled into a city under a multi-year siege in the back of a truck in the middle of night to avoid gunfire. Ashdown played a key role in brining the gruesome tales of starvation and genocide to the attention of the international community, and played a significant role in the peace process.
Paddy Ashdown has spent his life serving Britain and fighting the good fight. His autobiography is a well-written and good-humored account of his life, though sometimes excessive in detail. I’d recommend it to anyone interested in UK politics, minor parties, campaigning or how one can have a successful life and be engaged in politics.
* The UK has a 3 party system: Labour, Conservatives and Liberal Democrats. The Liberal Democrats were created when the Liberal Party and Social Democrat Party, a breakaway Labour Party group, merged in the 1980s.