Dr. Annie Abrams makes no effort to hide her distaste for the AP program. As a former AP English teacher and college instructor, Abrams has the gravitas of experience and someone who has thought deeply about the meaning of a liberal arts education, the purpose of schooling, and how the ubiquitous College Board fits into the long-running dialogue between students, faculty, and democratic society.
The first half of Short Changed is where Abrams is strongest. Her research on major reformers in education like James Conant, John Dewey, and Alan Blackmer is thorough. The thesis that elite white men shaped a program designed for elite white students is uncontroversial. In fact, for the first 90 pages of the book, I wondered if Dr. Abrams would ever get to the contemporary AP program that I was part of in the 1990s as a student and in the 2000s as an educator. While Dr. Abrams’ prose is crisp and her argument cogent, it takes time for readers to connect the first half of her book with its subtitle: How Advanced Placement Cheats Students.
As good as Abrams' research is in the first half, the latter part of Short Changed disappointed. Abrams focuses on four AP subjects in particular: AP U.S. History, AP English Language, AP English Literature, and AP U.S. Government and Politics. Her critique of the AP English programs developed by College Board is generally sound. The courses have blurred distinctions and the essay rubrics that guide 55 percent of the students’ exam score is highly suspect since moving from a holistic evaluation to a more analytic rubric divorced from much of what teachers and students might love about writing. However, Abrams’ criticism of the AP English program reads like a laundry list of reasonable fixes: modify the exam and/or essay rubrics, clarify the curriculum to further distinguish the language and literature programs, and shorten the number of units to promote depth over breadth.
On AP U.S. History, a survey course typically given junior year and taken by nearly 470,000 students, Abrams’ analysis falls flat. Comparisons are made to non-typical survey courses like Yale’s “Climate and Environment in America, 1500-1870,” Georgetown’s “The U.S. in the World to 1945,” and Johns Hopkins University’s “Black Baltimore Archives–From Frederick Douglass to Billie Holiday.” I found it discomfiting that Abrams spends so much time building a case against the elitism of College Board and then uses as examples courses from universities even more elitist (Yale admitted 4.6 percent of undergraduate applicants in 2022). The evidence that some elitist colleges no longer accept any AP exam scores for credit (Harvard, MIT, Stanford) is out of sorts for an argument about the undemocratic nature of College Board’s influence on education. I could not help wondering how many of the 2 million AP students who sit for exams each year would have any chance getting accepted to these institutions, and whether this factored into an analysis which prizes highly specialized, small seminar courses functioning at highly specialized, small colleges with depressingly-low admissions rates. Even so, these same institutions market summer enrichment camps far more expensive than AP exam fees to high school sophomores and juniors who pay steep tuition in hopes of having a better chance at getting in. The overwhelming majority will not. I wonder how many professors at Harvard, Stanford, or MIT would even consider teaching at a local high school, regardless of what curriculum was offered. It seems that Dr. Abrams praises universities for things only accessible to a very small percentage of the nation’s students by design. None of it is scalable given any public school system that I’ve encountered without radical changes in school funding, teacher pay and benefits, and the role of school boards and state legislatures in shaping education for the majority of the nation’s high school students.
AP U.S. History is a course with a chronology of 1491 to the present and is far more reflective of a freshman-level college history course taken at community colleges (the biggest educators of post-secondary students) and large state universities than the aforementioned examples provided by Abrams. As a high school student, I found the course engaging with spirited debates and discussion throughout. My teacher hardly mentioned the exam, though we all took it in May of that year and most of us passed. The problem with Short Changed is that it is looking for the spirit of the classroom and democracy in a PDF of the curriculum. The framework is overloaded with illustrative examples, units, and themes from various periods. As a long-time AP teacher (mostly AP World History and AP European History), I affirmatively deny that the beautiful, socratic back-and-forth at the heart of any worthwhile humanities course can be found in a PDF. It is the role of the teacher--whether AP or not--to bring life out of the students, texts, and class culture. In my own work as a school accreditation committee member (not affiliated with CollegeBoard), I’ve visited dozens of high schools and seen first hand the role of the teacher in providing food for thought, a forum for spirited debate, and analysis of problems stunningly relevant to today’s youth. It is happening right now, in AP classes across the country! Dr. Abrams does not acknowledge any of the good happening in these spaces. AP students are not reading 200-page curriculum frameworks written by a bureaucracy. But they are engaging in debates about school busing, historical mock trials of Sen. Joseph McCarthy, writing DBQ essays about the commercial development of the United States, and thinking about primary sources in a manner very much in keeping with Abrams’ desire to promote the liberal arts.
A lot of text is spent on AP Classroom, a fairly new digital platform used by some AP teachers to supplement various courses offered by AP. Here, Abrams badly misunderstands how AP Classroom is commonly used. It is not a replacement for teachers, traditional classrooms, or engaging with the humanities. Rather, it is a bank of optional resources that teachers may use, should they find it useful for their students. In my AP European and AP World History courses, I use the multiple-choice questions as a review tool a few weeks prior to the AP Exam. All multiple-choice questions on these exams have a stimulus, which could be a primary source, political cartoon, map, chart or table relevant to a particular time in history. This is in sharp contrast to the old approach of AP history multiple-choice questions which was fact-driven, rather than reading comprehension and analysis driven. Should a teacher dislike any particular question set or stimulus, nothing whatsoever presses them to use either AP Classroom or that question. In fact, it’s fairly easy for a teacher to make their own questions and put it in AP Classroom for students to practice with, a feature especially useful for distance learning during the pandemic or when students are absent from school.
Dr. Abrams mentions that A.I. is grading essays for students on AP Classroom. There is no autonomous grading of any free response question of any kind in AP U.S. History, AP European History, nor in AP World History: Modern. The only autonomous grading is in the multiple choice, because there are objectively correct answers. The Short Answer Questions, Document Based Questions, and Long Essay Questions which comprise 60 percent of the history exam are still scored by teachers, whether inside or outside of the AP Classroom platform. As for the official AP exams in those subjects, they are scored by college professors in the field and veteran high school AP teachers trained to use a rubric published by College Board. Dr. Abrams has legitimate concerns about the rubrics used for AP English courses, but makes no mention of any rubric used in AP U.S. History or AP U.S. Government, courses she spends considerable time on in the book.
Per Abrams, the AP U.S. The Government and Politics course is lifeless, void of the controversy and engagement which make the subject fascinating to so many political science students at university and beyond. On this, she is correct. I have a political science degree and also took AP U.S. Government and Politics in high school. The course is stripped down and mechanical. And that too is worth mentioning. The AP program is not one class, but a body of more than thirty different programs, some considerably stronger than others. It is up to schools, school districts, state departments of education, and colleges to determine which programs they will offer or grant credit for and which they will not. Dr. Abrams herself mentions a number of colleges that will not grant college English credit for AP English. College Board has no authority over these institutions, nor can they dictate credit-granting policies.
Traditionally, students were granted “advanced standing” rather than actual credit used for graduation. This allowed students to accelerate past introductory courses for which they were proficient in to begin more advanced studies in coursework very much akin to that prized by the author herself. Courses like AP Calculus and AP Microeconomics have been independently reviewed by college professors and the gist of their reports is that the AP exams are often more challenging than a final in first semester calculus or economics at most colleges. This feedback is used to modify standards every few years or when needed. When larger problems exist, College Board can redesign the entire Course and Exam Description, something that has happened to several of the programs Abrams references in book. If certain institutions disagree with the redesign, they may drop the course as a requirement or lobby the College Board for change, both of which occur frequently in America blue and red. Abrams paints Advanced Placement in broad strokes, missing the forest of accessibility for the trees of fixable issues with regard to curriculum frameworks and digital platforms less nefarious than readers are led to believe.
Short Changed did make me think about my work and the myriad far-reaching external influences on it. The book is thoroughly researched and poses important questions for the general public and school leaders. Dr. Abrams admits in her conclusion that there are no easy solutions for the dilemmas regarding College Board nor the nature of education within American democracy. I have no qualms about this and empathize with her helplessness as a fellow educator of high school students. Ultimately, Dr. Abrams is someone that the AP program should consult when engaging in dialogue with the community about the efficacy and future of its programs, particularly in English Language Arts. Do I think it the fault of College Board that our American school system is not what was envisioned in the early part of the 20th century? Absolutely not. There are too many disparate pieces and too many conflicting political agendas for any one organization to take credit for the mess we’re in today.