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320 pages, Hardcover
First published March 27, 2012
...a term first defined by Hochschild [which] refers to the management of one's feelings and expressions based on the emotional requirements of a job.For example [...] flight attendants are trained to control passengers' feelings during times of turbulence and dangerous situations while suppressing their own fear or anxiety. Bill collectors, as well, are often trained to imagine debtors as lazy or dishonest, so they can feel suspicious and be intimidating.As the number of service jobs grows, so too does the amount of kinds of emotional labor.In The Oursourced Self, Hochshild tackles the invention of paid jobs to carry out tasks that used to be considered too personal, intimate or community based to be left to the market economy. In 2012 US society, this includes paid wedding planners, birthday party coordinators, gift buyers, nameologists, graveside visitors, elder-care managers, lunch companions, dog walkers, surrogate mothers, nannies, personal and marriage therapists, parenting counsellors, love coaches, potty trainers, wantologists, and rented “dads”, “moms”, “grandmothers, and “friends” - a very mixed bag indeed.
[To protect ourselves from these depersonalizing effects, w]e demarcate symbolic artifacts or places that represent cherished moments of unoutsourced life [...] we engage the market via a secret backchannel to avoid embarrassment or hurt feelings; we compensate for outsourcing in one area of life by setting up a market-free realm or restoring a human touch by forging an emotional connection to the service provider. We substitute. We compensate. We take back. We encapsulate. We compartmentalize. We reach out. We subordinate. We can use several mechanisms of defense [...] These defenses apply to consumers and service workers both. [p. 196]Since it can be argued that such jobs lead to freer markets, the author also asks herself whether freer markets ultimately strengthen families:
[D]o freer markets lead to stronger families?[...] Cuts in public funding that shortens library hours, close state parks, or speed up staff turnover in nursing homes may be a plus for the free market, but they are a blow to families. Less visible, too, is the way in which market values subtly distort family values. For the more we apply market language, habits of emotional detachment, and focus on “the purchase moment”to our most intimate life, the more fragile it becomes. And while we've become very clever at seeing how market and family mix, we're less clever at seeing how they don't. [p. 197]The book is somewhat dated and falls very short of what is going on in 2022: however it is fair to say that the market tendencies and impacts Hochschild identifies and studies have become far more critical, but they have also become very entangled with social networks' business models, deep learning applications, the gig economy, surveillance models and potential developments in affective computing. The further development of a sociology of emotions to these new topics is, in my opinion, a highly critical challenge and I hope Hochshild responds to it in her clear, insightful and engaging style.