I find myself not really knowing what to say about this book. Alison has put much of what I have felt into words, as well as much that was at the edges of my consciousness. Being Pākehā is relational, complex, uncomfortable, but also home.
This book made me teary.
Authors:
Patricia Grace, Atholl Anderson, Witi Ihimaera, Judith Binney, James Belich, Anne Salmond, Vincent O’Malley
Linda Tuhiwai Smith - Decolonising Mehtodologies
Anne Salmond - Ontological Quarrels
Quotes:
Whakatāne:
At school, we had learned the story of this teenager, Wairaka, brave daughter of the rangatira Toroa, who saved the Ngãti Awa ancestral waka, Mataatua, on its arrival in NewZealand. The men had made it to shore but the waka, with the women and children aboard, was being pulled out to sea by the raging waves. Wairaka called out 'Kia whakatãne au i ahau!' (1 must act like a man!). She grabbed the paddles, which only men were permitted to use, and the other women followed her lead.
Together they manoeuvred the heavy waka to safety right there at the river mouth.
First book I’ve read where someone has been from Tauranga / gone to my school
a lecture by the poet e.e. cummings:
Damn everything but the circus! ... damn everything that is grim, dull, motionless, unrisking, inward turning, damn everything that won't get into the circle, that won't enjoy.
That won't throw its heart into the tension, surprise, fear and delight of the circus, the round world, the full existence ...'
The government also sent troops to Tauranga. In response, Ngäti Ranginui sent a letter to the British military camp asking, What is the meaning of the coming of the Englishmen to my place? ... Cease to come upon my piece of land? The officers took no heed: their forces not only killed the main leaders of Ngäti Ranginui, but the government confiscated almost 300,000 acres (120,000 hectares) of land, including the Bethlehem area. The New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863 had allowed the government to confiscate land from any tribes who resisted the Pakehä troops as they forcibly opened up land for settlement.
Terrible hardship followed these government actions. In 1898, a Crown official described the people of the Bethlehem as having only enough land 'to starve on. Even into the 1920s many in the region were close to starvation, and a 1936 surve of Mäori housing in the Tauranga area found one in three dwellings was 'unfit for human habitation'
Mt Eden jail - a place that looked like a medieval dungeon, and was originally a military stockade, built in 1857 to hold the armaments used against Mãori. Now, Mãori men were the majority of the inmates.
“I was far enough outside their lives to step quickly away”
“My view was that a more apt, and more hopeful, phrase might be white ignorance. Most Pakeha people seemed to know nothing about Mãori history, and they did not even know that they did not know. In my experience, Pakeh like my father who denigrated Mäori things knew nothing about Mãori. On the other hand, I too knew next to nothing about Māori, though my ignorance was tempered by curiosity and attraction rather than rejection and fear.”
[Is this just the difference between right wing and left wing white people? Both are largely ignorant, but that ignorance is tempered differently]
“I was judgmental about Mãori prayers to a Christian God, apt to dismiss them as simply colonised thinking. But being critical was not useful; being interested in the Mäori world did not require me to critique it.
Māori say karakia, whether addressing a Christian God or the atua, at almost any opportunity - and especially, in my experience, before eating, and at the beginning and end of meetings. As a confirmed atheist, I would make shopping lists in my head to pass the time during long prayers. But then I began to wonder about karakia. I felt, rather than understood, their significance. They were, I realised, not about an individual communion with God but were part of a collective social experience. Prayers at the beginnings of meetings served to slow down time, to draw together the people in the room, to bring a collective focus on what they were doing. The karakia called in all the forces of emotion, attention and knowledge needed to make the meeting a success. Regardless of the words and what they meant, the karakia became for me a few minutes to contemplate something I rarely recognised: the entanglements of elements of social life with the something else - the world outside us humans.“
“Most of all, I loved the constant enthusiasm for wordplay, and all the jokey made-up words that pepper Mãori language in common use: häwhe pai (half pie); miki api (mixed up), maka raoni (muck around); inawhi rumi (enough room); palani pi (Plan B); katie pie (kei te pai). My favourite was titautanga (tea towel tanga - rules of the kitchen).”
“The Mãori language has absorbed countless words from English just by simple and sometimes playful mimicking, like kau for cow, miraka for milk, pae kare (by golly) and hariru, a transliteration of 'how do you do?' for a handshake. Despite some scholarly disapproval, people just go ahead with transliterations and the everyday language changes. Tureiti (a transliteration of 'too late') is a common and funny way of describing a latecomer, allowing tardy students to laughingly introduce themselves as Ngäti Türeiti (from the tribe Türeiti). But not all new words are transliterations. Creative new vocabularies have emerged - a process that started from the first contact with the European world - to name modern technologies: computers are rorohiko, literally brain (roro) lightning flash (hiko); digital is matihiko, with mati meaning finger; waea pukoro is cellphone, from a transliteration of wire' and pukoro, pocket.”
“The Mãori language has no equivalent of 'to be' or 'to have' in its simple sense. I learned that the simple sentence 1 have no trousers' was 'käore oku tarau' (none my trousers), and was immediately intrigued. My trousers are in a state of not-being-had. And in English, we use a verb to connect a noun and its adjective: 'This apple is sour.' But in te reo, 'is' or 'are' or 'was' do not intervene: 'he kawa tenei aporo' (sour this apple). The apple and its sourness are one. Plus, the sourness, kawa, comes first in the sentence, as though the state is more salient than the thing. The apple directly possesses its quality of sourness.
I am interested in this apparent difference: between our English-language tendency to classify the object, and the Mãori-language tendency towards a sense of an object's agency (in these examples, the apple's own sourness and the trousers' own not-there-ness). In English we say 'she is beautiful.' In Mãori, 'he átaahua ia' (beautiful she). The beauty and she are indivisible.
The actor - she, ia - appears last in any such sentence, with the effect of foregrounding the state of things, rather than their naming.
Mãori speakers also much prefer a passive sentence structure that puts the action first, and often even omits the agent altogether: kua horoia ngã rihi (e au) (have been washedthe dishes (by me]). The language itself immerses us in being and doing. Passives soften the language: things happen, rather than I/you/he/they making them happen: 'words were spoken' rather than 'he spoke words'. This language structure has social effects. It expresses social ways of being; passives allow much to be said obliquely without identifying an actor, thereby avoiding direct confrontation, and protecting social collectivity.”
“We walk backwards into the future.”
“It seemed that the Pākehā students wanted direct access to the Māori and Pacific women's emotional and experiential lives, to their thoughts, feelings and cultures. It did not pass my notice that his was an echo of the perennial imperialist desire 'Let me on to your territory', with its extractive logic 'Let me mine you for my discoveries.' They wanted Mãori attention: 'Teach me! I need you to save me from what I do not know!' They wanted to be understood, not challenged, by Mãori.”
“I was forced to think about territory, and the way we Pakehã love to 'explore the backblocks' or 'go for a drive in the country, without thinking anything of it. If there is a public road, we'll drive down it to have a look, quite within our rights. Having forced roads through other people's lands, we just assume we can travel uninvited anywhere on an innocent whim, enjoying the scenery, and waving - in our famously friendly way - at the people who live near the road. It's ignorance of our history that allows us to behave like this.”
“I thought about how Mãori profoundly understood and understand the world as a series of never-ending, never-resolved relationships - between people, objects, time, space and on and on. I had come to realise that for Mãori, boundaries do not contain absolutes. As Anne Salmond put it, for Māori the world is not 'a singular entity, composed of arrays of bounded entities in different realms and on different scales' as it tends to be in dominant forms of Western thought.
Rather, boundaries are conceived of as thresholds, and it is the relationship between things rather than things themselves that have what she calls 'ontological primacy' - that is, relationships between people, and between people and things, are the foundation of Māori commonsense knowledge and encounters in the world. It is in the space between us as we face each other where everything happens, where there is energy of all sorts - the complex, fluid, shifting site occupied by the hyphen in Māori-Pakeha engagements.”