AN ISRAELI HISTORIAN CRITIQUES ‘MYTHS’ IN THE ORIGINAL STORIES OF ISRAEL
Shlomo Sand is an Israeli Emeritus Professor of History at Tel Aviv University. He is often identified as one of the ‘new historians’ of Israeli historiography.
He wrote in the Introduction to this 2012 book, “I felt a powerful sense of connection with the small land where I grew up and first fell in love and with the urban landscape that had shaped my character. Although never truly a Zionist, I was taught to see the country as a refuge in time of need for displaced and persecuted Jews who had nowhere else to go… At the time, however, I was unable to foresee the monumental changes that would come to reshape Israel as a result of its military victory and territorial expansion---changes that were wholly unrelated to Jewish suffering from persecution and that past suffering could certainly not justify.” (Pg. 7-8)
He continues, “I never dreamed Israel would legally annex East Jerusalem… and at the same time refrain from granting equal civil rights to one-third of the residents… I had no way of knowing that Israel would succeed in controlling such a large Palestinian population for decades, bereft of sovereignty… I never even considered the possibility that Israel would succeed in settling more than a half million people in the newly occupied territories and keeping them fenced off… from the local population, who would in turn be denied basic human rights… In short, I was wholly unaware I would spend most of my life living next door to a sophisticated and unique regime of military apartheid with which the ‘enlightened’ world, due in part to its guilty conscience, would be forced to compromise and… to support.” (Pg. 9-10)
He asserts, “all peoples possess a right of collective ownership over the defined territory in which they live and from which they generate a livelihood. No religious community with a diverse membership dispersed among different continents was ever granted such a right of possession.” (Pg. 14)
He explains, “I believe neither in the past existence of a Jewish people, exiled from its land, nor in the premise that the Jews are originally descended from the ancient land of Judea… to the dismay of anti-Semites, the Jews were never a foreign ‘ethnos’ of invaders from afar but rather an autochthonous population whose ancestors, for the most part, converted to Judaism before the arrival of Christianity or Judaism.” (Pg. 16) He continues, “The ‘Land of Israel’ of my true forefathers… whose origins and lives were embedded within the Yiddish culture of Eastern Europe… For most, the hastening of collective salvation was considered a transgression to be severely punished; for others, the Holy Land was largely an allegorical, intangible notion---not a concrete territorial site by an internal spiritual state. This reality was perhaps best reflected in the reaction of the Jewish rabbinate… to the birth of the Zionist movement.” (Pg. 19-20)
He goes on, “Because a united kingdom encompassing both ancient Judea and Israel never existed, a unifying Hebrew name for such a territory never emerged. As a result, all biblical texts employed the same pharaonic name for the region: the land of Canaan… In no text or archaeological finding do we find the term ‘Land of Israel’ used to refer to a defined geographic region… neither the successful Hasmonean revolt … nor the failed Zealot rebellion of 66-73 CE took place in the ‘Land of Israel’… this appellation was never used to refer to the territory between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River.” (Pg. 24-25) Later, he adds, “this mythological… formation of the ‘holy nation’ outside the land must be understood in conjunction with another. Not only did the authors of the Bible oppose the inhabitants of the land but also repeatedly expressed a deep hostility toward them. Most authors of the Bible loathed the local (‘popular’) tribes, who were tillers of the soil and idol worshippers; step by step, they lay the ideological foundation for the tribes’ eradication.” (Pg. 72)
He explains, “Many of today’s international borders were delineated in an arbitrary and incidental manner, and the delineation took place before the emergence of the nations in question… But the numerous territorial conflicts of the past did not result in prolonged world wars, and, in many cases, the primary impetus for armed struggle was not a craving for land itself. Prior to the growth of nationalism, territorial boundaries were never an issue about which no concessions could be made under any circumstances.” (Pg. 60)
He observes, “Perhaps it is fortunate that Zionist biblical scholars and Israeli archaeologists alike have recently begun to express doubts about the veracity of the narrative. Fieldwork has provided increasingly decisive evidence that the Exodus from Egypt never happened and that the land of Canaan was not suddenly conquered during the period identified in the Bible. These scholars are finding it reasonable to assume that the horror stories of mass murder were fabrications. It now appears likely that the local inhabitants… evolved into [a] … mixed population of Canaanites and Hebrews that later gave rise to two kingdoms: the large kingdom of Israel and the small kingdom of Judea.” (Pg. 75) Later, he summarizes, “In other words, in all the books of the Bible, the land of Canaan never served as a homeland for the ‘children of Israel,’ and for this reason. Among others, they never refer to it as ‘the Land of Israel.’” (Pg. 86)
He suggests, “It was not objective difficulties that had prevented Jews from immigrating to Zion over the previous sixteen hundred years, even if such difficulties did exist… History is much more prosaic. In contrast to the mythos so skillfully woven into the State of Israel’s Declaration of Independence, such a longing to settle in the land never truly existed. The powerful metaphorical yearning for total redemption that was linked to the place itself… bore no resemblance to human beings’ desire to rouse themselves and move to a known, familiar land.” (Pg. 117) Later, he adds, “Although settlement in Palestine presented economic difficulties, the main reason for the lack of immigrant settlers was much more banal: during the first half of the twentieth century, most of the world’s Jews and their progeny---whether ultraorthodox, liberal, or Reform, whether social democratic Bundists, socialists, and anarchists---did not regard Palestine as their land… they did not strive ‘in every successive generation to reestablish themselves in their ancient homeland.’ They did not even regard it as an appropriate place to ‘return’ to when that option was presented to them on a Protestant colonial golden platter… At the end of the day, it was the cruel and horrifying blows sustained by the Jews of Europe… that resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel.” (Pg. 175)
He asserts, “Although most Zionists well knew that Palestine had many local inhabitants, and periodically mentioned them in their writings, they did not construe their presence as meaning that the Land was not open for free colonization. Their fundamental consciousness on this point was consistent with the general climate of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: as far as the white man is concerned, the non-European world had for all intents and purposes become a space devoid of people, just as America had been desolate two hundred years earlier, prior to the arrival of the white man.” (Pg. 198)
He points out, “For years, Zionist rhetoric attempted to convince the world in general and the supporters of Zionism in particular that the Arabs of Palestine had fled in response to their leaders’ propaganda. Since the publication of studies by Simha Flapan, Benny Morris, Ilan Pappé, and others, however, we know this was not the case---the leaders of the local population did not recommend its departure… Many Palestinians fled out of fear, and the Jewish forces used a variety of methods to encourage them to do so… The debate that has played out in recent years, which was focused on determining whether the majority of Palestinians chose to leave ‘willingly’ or were in fact expelled, is important but not… of decisive significance. The debate over whether ‘ethnic cleansing’ was systematic or only spontaneous and partial … is less relevant then the fundamental ethical premise that families of refugees fleeing whizzing bullets and falling bombs are entitled to the basic human right to return to their homes once hostilities ended… In addition… the young State of Israel quickly enacted the … Law of Return… that enables all who can prove they are Jewish to immigrate to Israel and receive immediate and full citizenship… even if they subsequently choose to return to their country of origin.” (Pg. 231-232)
He notes, “The majority of settlements were built by local Palestinian laborers living under military occupation. They worked in the settlements by day… and returned to their villages in the evening… Unintentionally, and out of purely economic interests, Israel found itself turning into a typical plantation colony, with a peaceful and submissive population that lacked both citizenship and sovereignty, working for masters who possessed… a protective sense of paternalism.” (Pg. 248-249) He continues, “Despite never having known another regime, these young Palestinians quickly learned that very few people on earth at the end of the twentieth century shared the unusual situation of officially possessing no citizenship, no self-sovereignty, and no homeland, in a world where such status had become almost entirely infeasible and, in the view of most, wholly intolerable. Most Israelis were surprised at the new unrest and found it hard to understand.” (Pg. 249)
He concludes, “During every round of the national conflict over Palestine… Zionism has tried to appropriate additional territory… Although it is true that all modern homelands are cultural constructions, the withdrawal from national territory is nonetheless a virtually impossible undertaking, particularly when attempted by choice. Even if the world could be convinced that Zionism has really been … not about the conquest of an imagined ancestral land, the ethnoterritorial mythos that motivated the Zionist enterprise and constituted one of its most powerful conceptual bases is neither able nor willing to retreat. Ultimately it will certainly wither away like the rest of history’s nationalist mythologies… Will the demise of this mythos take with it Israeli society as a whole… or will it leave signs of life in its wake?... For quite some time now, the Palestinians have endured persistent suffering. This past and present suffering is what set the tone for this book…” (Pg. 258)
This book will interest those seeking critiques of the modern State of Israel and its policies