There’s a lot that could be said about a book that is 488 pages long and densely packed with source material, interpretation, and analysis. While my review will be longer than I wish it were, I’m trying to make it as brief as possible; therefore, it is not exhaustive. There were portions of this book I liked quite a lot and others that I found to be problematic. I’ll start with what I liked most:
For the first ninety or so pages, I felt hopeful about this book. While I expected to find points of disagreement with the authors, I sensed that they were trying to be fair and that they were going to represent those they disagreed with in an honest light. It was on track to be a refreshing change to much of what has been written as anti-CRT/ anti-woke/ for the church. I especially liked how they laid the foundation of the book with an acknowledgement of the history of racism in America.
On page 42 the authors say, “...it is incumbent on everyone, especially Whites and especially Christians (who have a special duty to pursue unity within the church) to understand and wrestle with the past. Too few Americans are sufficiently acquainted with America’s racist history. For those of us who are citizens of the United States, our nation has been marked and marred by the scourge of racism. Since both our informal and formal beginnings, racism has been with us. In fact, one cannot contemplate the beginnings of the United States with any historical integrity without a thorough consideration of the role racism played in her development. As renowned historian David Brion Davis underscores, ‘racial exploitation and racial conflict have been part of the DNA of American culture.’”
And on page 44: “We contend that there needs to be a paradigm shift regarding how the typical American (regardless of skin tone, but particularly Whites) thinks about America’s racist past. We do not say this because we are peddlers of guilt. In fact, we call for clarity and precision in terms of how modern Whites should be understood in relation to the racist sins of historial Whites. Nevertheless, it is obtuse to act as if nothing has happened. We need to apprehend what it means for the majority of America’s informal history (400 years) and formal history (250 years) to be steeped in widespread, pervasive racism against non-Whites by Whites. Now, we recognize that racism is not the only prominent feature of America's past. Certainly, there are things to be praised. But those realities, while crucial and of great importance and value, are not our charge. Our desire is that as we highlight our racialized history, you will be motivated to look deeper into our racialized past, give it serious contemplation, and gain either a renewed or a first-time commitment to challenge and repudiate racism at both the individual and institutional level, wherever it may be found….In a certain sense, awareness is half the battle. Awareness is like the early morning sun that burns off the fog of ignorance and plausible deniability. For those who are committed to truth more than tribe, awareness is powerful because it instructs both the mind and the conscience, setting the stage for further contemplation and meaningful action.”
I was glad that the authors acknowledged the legacy that still lingers from America’s racial history on page 55: “While the resilience and fortitude of the Black community during this history is astounding, and it is indeed astounding, this history is not without its effects, some of which persist today. These residual effects appear in a number of categories where African Americans experienced significant deficits after Jim Crow, including civic support relationships, educational attainments and opportunities, vocational attainment and opportunities, and inherited wealth and resources.”
The authors also acknowledge on page 58 that “survey data suggest that self-identified evangelical Christians are more, not less, likely than the average American to harbor unbiblical attitudes toward race.” I applaud the authors for setting the stage of their book with this important foundation.
I also applaud the authors for attempting to write a book that focuses on facts rather than caricatures of ideas. On page 24-25, the authors say, “First, we should focus on ideas rather than labels…What matters most are the ideas at play, not which term we use to describe them.” I put a big star next to that sentence and drew arrows pointing to it. The authors go on to say, “The central issue is whether a particular idea is true or false, biblical or unbiblical…none of these fields are monolithic despite how they may appear to outsiders.”
While I applaud the authors for attempting to focus on facts and fair argumentation, I nevertheless found the book to be lacking in this regard. First of all, while I understand that the authors see a thread of commonality in the cultural conversations surrounding race, gender, and sexuality, I am concerned at the quantity and variety of ideas that they have put under one label, a new term that they say is not commonly used, called “Contemporary Critical Theory” (p. 27). On page 62 the authors acknowledge that CCT is “an amalgamation of many different ideas and streams of thought.” They call it a “cocktail” of ideas. Under this wide umbrella, they are addressing the entirety of the secular cultural conversation about race, sexuality and gender–everything from social justice to pedaphilia. There are so many things being put under the umbrella of Contemporary Critical Theory. Is the broad banner even worth having? Do all these things really go together or does it create problems to put them all in one box?
At first glance, I liked the idea of using a new term, since Critical Race Theory scholarship has grown outside of the race discussion to include categories like Critical Queer Theory, Critical Lat (Latino/Latina) Theory, and Critical Race Feminist Theory. But in bundling so many various ideas together, I realized that the Shenvi and Sawyer were doing the same thing Voddie Baucham did in his problematic book Fault Lines when he used the term “Critical Social Justice,” fusing various ideas together while his followers assumed the term was synonymous with Critical Race Theory. As Shenvi and Sawyer point out on page 142, bundling unpopular ideas together to cause fear has been a weapon used by CRT critics before, as when conservative activist Christopher Rufo tweeted in 2021: “We will eventually turn [CRT] toxic, as we put all the various cultural insanities under that brand category…We have decodified the term and will recodify it to annex the entire range of cultural constructions that are unpopular with Americans.” I’m afraid, despite the authors’ attempts to be different, this book comes off in much the same way to me.
While I’m definitely not as well read as the authors are on most of the ideas they have presented, I have read enough Critical Race Theory scholarship to feel concerned that the authors have mischaracterized some of the key ideas of the movement and have built a large portion of their argument based upon those mischaracterizations. There are four concepts in this book that form the foundation of the authors’ argument that I think are mischaracterized and misleading: 1) the oppressed/oppressor talking point, 2) intersectionality, 3) the unique voice of color, and 4) CRT as a worldview.
The first idea that I think was misrepresented in this book is that CRT can be primarily characterized as dividing society into the categories of oppressed and oppressor and that everyone is in one category or the other. This claim is unsubstantiated by primary sources that are quoted in this book. I’ve never read that claim in any CRT primary source, and yet Shenvi and Sawyer assert over and over again (in at least ten places) that this framework is the basic idea of Critical Race Theory. The authors DO present multiple primary sources that use the terminology of “dominant” and “minoritized” people groups, and there are multiple references to oppression or being oppressed in the literature, but I believe the authors have manipulated those terms, reframed the language, and then argued, not based on what the CRTists actually wrote, but on how Shenvi and Sawyer have reinterpreted what has been written. While Shenvi and Sawyer may claim that they are merely using synonymous words, I would argue that there’s quite a different nuance to the word “dominant” than there is to the word “oppressor.” And while the idea of there being dominant and minoritized people groups can be found in plenty of CRT primary sources, I would still argue that it’s not how I would explain the main idea of the movement. Certainly, the word “oppression” can be found in plenty of CRT literature, but I’ve never seen a primary source that says that all people in the dominant group are oppressors. I think, using the same critical lens that Shenvi and Sawyer have applied here, you could just as easily read the book of Isaiah and accuse it of dividing the world between oppressors and the oppressed.
The second idea that I think is misrepresented in this book is the concept of intersectionality. Curiously, when the authors provide a definition of intersectionality on page 101, rather than using a definition provided by actual CRTists, if you look at the footnote, the definition provided is one written by the authors themselves! Why did the authors fail to provide a simple definition from a primary source? Critical Race Theory: An Introduction by Delgado and Stefancic explains that intersectionality means that “no person has a single, easily stated, unitary identity…everyone has potentially conflicting, overlapping identities, loyalties, and allegiances.” The emphasis from primary sources is that people in a group are not monolithic. Everyone has his/her own story. But Shenvi and Sawyer claim that the focus of intersectionality is on stacking multiple oppressions together. They use terms like “triply oppressed” (87), “triply privileged” (87), “multiply oppressed” (102) and “combination” (p. 167). On page 104 they say that “All oppressions are entangled, and all must be tackled together.” Where CRT scholars use the terminology of “intersecting identities,” Shenvi and Sawyer consistently substitute that term for “interlocking identities.” Where Shenvi and Sawyer insist that intersectionality is a matter of accumulating and adding up oppressions, Kimberle Crenshaw, the woman who coined the term, says, “Intersectionality is not additive. It’s fundamentally reconstitutive.”
The third idea from CRT that I think is mischaracterized in this book is the “Unique Voice of Color” tenet. Delgado and Stefancic define it this way: “Black, Indian, Asian, and Latino/a writers and thinkers may be able to communicate to their white counterparts matters that the whites are unlikely to know. Minority status, in other words, brings with it a presumed competence to speak about race and racism.” While the primary source uses moderate language like “may be able to…” Shenvi and Sawyer assert that this tenet means that a minority speaker/writer can never be challenged and “should not or cannot be scrutinized” p. 240. I think Shenvi and Sawyer are overreacting to this tenet.
The fourth idea from CRT that I think Shenvi and Sawyer misrepresent is their assertion that CRT is a worldview and/or a religion. I think it’s an unnecessarily strong accusation. CRT scholars are not claiming that it is a worldview or religion. While CRT is a framework for looking at power structures in America, especially related to race, I think it can be evaluated through either a Christian worldview or a worldview that is hostile to Christianity. I think which worldview you’re looking at it through makes all the difference. A person looking at CRT through a Christian worldview may see common grace in many of the tenets of CRT, but ultimately, that person will certainly find CRT coming up short of the hope we have in Christ, which is a much surer hope for change of unjust power structures.
While I disagree with how Shenvi and Sawyer characterized CRT at its core, I don’t think all of their concerns are without cause. I do think the things they are concerned about related to the idea of oppressed/oppressors, intersectionality, the unique voice of color, and many other ideas about identity that I haven’t touched on are ideas that are alive and growing in our culture, and many of them are certainly concerning. But, where I differ from Shenvi and Sawyer is that I think those areas are ways the basic principles or tenets of CRT are sometimes applied or interpreted. I think that Shenvi and Sawyer would’ve done better to have used wording like “in some cases” or “perhaps this could lead to…” It seems to me, based on the quotes in this book, that Shenvi and Sawyer are most concerned about the scholarship of Robin DiAngelo and Ibram X. Kendi. On page 318 the authors admit that neither self-identify as Critical Race Theorists but that both have been influenced by the ideas of CRT. When Shenvi and Sawyer quote actual CRT primary sources, the quotes are quite moderate, and often the authors find multiple points of agreement or common grace. In my opinion, Shenvi and Sawyer proved in this book that where some people take the principles of CRT is problematic but not, in my opinion, that it is rotten to its core or “fundamentally incompatible with Christianity.” p. 317
There is a lot that is described in this book that is concerning regarding gender and sexuality, and I appreciate the awareness and even some of the balance that the authors bring to the discussion. I appreciate the amount of work and scholarship that went into this book. It is well-researched and well-sourced. The authors clearly love the Bible and the Church and have a desire to protect it. I hope that voices like theirs and voices like mine can listen to each other and work together in unity, each of us bringing something helpful to the discussion.