“The history we teach is the product of the culture we create, not necessarily of the actual history we made.” (P. 277)
“Rather than Southern slavery…it was Northern white supremacy that proved the more enduring cultural binding force, planted along with slavery in the colonial era, intensely cultivated in the years before the Civil War, and fully blossoming after Reconstruction. Inculcated relentlessly throughout the culture and in school textbooks, it suffused Norther religion, high culture, literature, education, politics, music, law, and science. It powerfully resurfaced after the Civil War and Reconstruction to reassert control over the emancipated slaves to become the basis for national reconciliation, exploded in intensity with renewed immigration in the 1920s and ‘30s, and endured with diminishing force to the present day…. Hence democratic equality rested on racial inequality and malleable definitions of whiteness. Moreover, it offered something more alluring than wealth, more effective than politics, and far more appealing than education. For even the poorest of its adherents, indeed especially for them, white supremacy imparts a sense of uncontested identity and…and otherwise unattainable level of ‘dignity, simply for belonging to higher race.’” [Note: In the last sentence, he is quoting the American philosopher Susan Neiman.] (Pp. 5-6)
This remarkable book is an attempt to show both how history has been taught since the foundation of the Republic and also what that history has left out in creating a national myth founded upon the central importance of white accomplishments and a white point-of-view.
To do this, the author plowed through over 3,000 history textbooks that reveal how the history of the United States has been taught in the past 250 years.
(Now, to be clear, this is a task I consider to be akin to spending a considerable time in purgatory to account for past grievous sins, and it is one that I would wish on no other human being! I do love history, but the mind-numbing idea of reading a lot of them, let alone 3,000, strikes me as a form of torture.)
Despite this, Professor Yacovone – an associate at Harvard University’s Hutchins Center for African & African American Research – has produced not only an important book, but amazingly also a fascinating and readable one.
In an attempt to prevent you from falling asleep, I will only summarize here his main points, none of which ought to be very surprising in our post-2016 world. Do note, though, that this book is not a polemic, nor does it “make fun of” or belittle anyone. Rather, he attempts to put himself in the mindset of the various writers he reviews – and he singles out many over this long period as those whom he judges to have been the most influential – while also contrasting what they wrote with what actually had occurred.
One of the principal takeaways for me is how very insecure “white people” seem to have been in this country from the very beginning! Not only did we come to feel that we were being treated unfairly by the British in the years leading up to the Revolution, but we, and the historians who gave voice to “us,” seem to have long felt that any sympathetic narrative of non-whites – who have always been a major component of the American story – would somehow diminish white achievements!
In this sense, the constant theme of white supremacy that runs through American textbooks, at least until relatively very recently, is less a triumphant boast about “white civilization” and more a desperate attempt to keep the other sides of the story from being told for fear of it causing “whites” to lose status and face. This is something to keep in mind as we witness contemporary raging about what “our kids are being taught in schools.” Old fears and insecurities remain a driving force in the United States of the 21st Century.
The following is from the book’s Introduction:
“Embodying the values to be treasured by rising generations of Americans, textbook authors passed on ideas of white identity from generation to generation. Writers crafted whiteness as a national inheritance, a way to preserve the social construction of American life and, ironically, its democratic institutions and values. Given the extent of the nation’s belief in white supremacy, one would be astonished if it had not been a guiding principle of our textbooks.
“But this is not a book about a collection of bad books; nor is it an expose of damaging educational theory. Instead, it is an exploration of the origins and development of the idea of white supremacy, how it has shaped our understanding of democratic society, and how generation after generation of Americans have learned to incorporate that vision into their very identity. Belief in white supremacy and Black inferiority existed long before the creation of the American republic and, along with a sincere – but not contradictory – belief in democratic republicanism, always has occupied the center of the American soul…. (P. xiv)
“Surveying American history school textbooks from the early nineteenth century to the present day will provide a more profound insight into the full depth of the national commitment to white supremacy. It also allows us to trace exactly how white supremacy and Black inferiority have been…drilled into student minds generation after generation. In the process, we will gain an understanding of just how much such ideas have permeated American culture and continue to exert their toxic influence.
“If nothing else, this exploration focuses on the responsibility of Northern leaders and educators for the creation and dissemination of white supremacy and construction of the “color line.” …American democracy depended on Black inequality to sustain white equality.
“History textbooks proved a perfect vehicle for the transmission of such ideas, those deemed central to the survival of the nation’s democratic experiment.” (Pp. xiv-xv)
“Far from mere aggregations of dead facts, history texts served as reservoirs of values, patriotism, and a national ethos…. From the start history textbooks sought to create unity through storytelling, creating a national identity that could serve as a road map to the future.” (P. xvii)
[It was] “the ideology of white supremacy, not slavery, [that] proved the more ubiquitous and more enduring institution. It became the standard by which citizenship was defined, and it determined who would prove worthy of power….
“Complicating the picture is the fact that there had never been any enduring definition of a race, even the white race. Criteria continually shifted, including and excluding nationalities depending on conditions, levels of immigration, and political need. Whiteness, and the idea of race, should be seen more as a ‘fluid, variable, and open-ended process.’ [This partial quote is from the writings of Rev. Henry Field in 1890.] While it always subjected people of color – and some European nationalities – to inferior positions, the extent, intensity, and ideological motivation or justification varied considerably over time. As described by whites, races were defined by perceptions and appearances. Although assumed to be biological reality, races are in fact socially constructed categories intended to highlight the superiority and permanence of Caucasians, even as those considered to be Caucasian changed. Indeed, the more immigration made the North heterogenous, the more intense became its ideas of white supremacy.” (Pp. 6-7)
Cusack:
It is fascinating to watch the various shifts in interpretation of our history that occurred throughout the 19th and 20th centuries.
It has really only been from the latter ‘60s on that US textbooks have – however slowly and intermittently – really tried to tell the full and inclusive story of the American republic.
And, as we can still see today, for some people that represents a threat, however unconsciously for many, to their own perceptions of status and worth.
On a closing note, as a former teacher I welcome increased parental attention to, and concern about, both what and how their children are taught. Aside from the real damage often wrought by fear- and hate-mongers, such parental interest and involvement is necessary if we are to rescue what seems to be a serious decline in American education.
As many conservatives have noted over the years, we are paying a heavy price for the widespread retreat from teaching what has been thought to be most important since the time of the Greeks and Romans: the essence and responsibilities of citizenship, our heritage of Western intellectual thought (which is one hell of a lot more than just “dead white men’s views”), and the importance of logic, reason, and truth-telling in sustaining a functioning civil society.
We desperately need true history – the story of all of us told as it was – if we are to make sense out of our own time and draw upon this lived experience to make our republic stronger, better, and more equal.