What can we learn about the Chinese revolution by placing a doubly marginalized group―rural women―at the center of the inquiry? In this book, Gail Hershatter explores changes in the lives of seventy-two elderly women in rural Shaanxi province during the revolutionary decades of the 1950s and 1960s. Interweaving these women’s life histories with insightful analysis, Hershatter shows how Party-state policy became local and personal, and how it affected women’s agricultural work, domestic routines, activism, marriage, childbirth, and parenting―even their notions of virtue and respectability. The women narrate their pasts from the vantage point of the present and highlight their enduring virtues, important achievements, and most deeply harbored grievances. In showing what memories can tell us about gender as an axis of power, difference, and collectivity in 1950s rural China and the present, Hershatter powerfully examines the nature of socialism and how gender figured in its creation.
While reading Hershatter’s oral history, I keep thinking about what I have done for my family. I once wrote the oral history of my mum. This is the only enjoyable homework I have done for this kind of course called Marxist theory with Chinese Characteristics in my graduate school. We have learnt this course since junior high school. After writing the oral history, I shared this piece with all the relatives of my mother’s side. They all encouraged me to do another one for my grandfather and grandmother. I did interview them during one Chinese New Year. I was frustrated that I could not even connect their experiences together, partly due to their ways of speaking and largely because of my unfamiliarity of their early lives. Reading Hershatter’s book really helps me understand their lives better.
An awesome anthropological study by a historian. A wonderful piece of interdisciplinary work. A must read for those interested in Chinese revolution. The writing is so eloquent and she skillfully juxtaposes long narratives of rural women's with her analysis. it's pretty much like Sima Qian's style: story and then the historian says. But it's done is a much more sophisticated way so that you can both empathize with these women and keep a critical distance with them at the same time. A masterpiece!
A decade of interviews of rural women counting down their last years in others’ ignorance brought light on the dimmed memories of the Chinese communist revolution in its margins. Triply subordinated in location, class, and gender, rural women in the 1950s and their limited personal traces left historians few options in reconstructing their lives.
Oral history provides a rare map to the lived experience in the impoverished, newly “liberated” countryside not far from the Yan’an Soviet base. But more than using memory to revive and preserve specific information, Gail Hershatter practiced a close reading of and around the memories and their fallacy. What she aimed at, then, was an empathetic understanding of the "narrative structure, elisions, silences, opacity, and lies” derived from the intersected gaps between the structural “campaign time” and the messy “lived time.” The gendered lens enables both temporalities to co-exist within the same space, that is, the very important but often overlooked local place where socialism materially existed, despite (or because of) its partial comprehension and ill practice.
Adhering to, but also contesting, the state-sanctioned narrative of speaking bitterness, the rural Shaanxi women’s recollection opens up fresh grounds for assessing the patchwork of political mobilization under the socialist utopia. Every agenda generated not an intact, synchronous progress, but an uneven and fragmented mixture of social progress and new contradictions that the official theorizing of socialist plan fell short of articulation.
Specific stories sprang from the status of labor model, motherhood, midwifery, and local-based activism, making visible not a singularized narrative, but a spectrum of old and new perceptions, laws, policies, and technologies uncomfortably co-inhabiting the small but changing villages and towns. While we are immersed in the phrase "gender is socially constructed,” getting to know the specificity of social relations constructed by a particular historical circumstance that has been obliterated by the global capitalist time is far more challenging.
The province in which all the interviews were conducted, Shaanxi famously houses the Yan'an Soviet base, the remote hinterland that sheltered the Chinese Communist Party from its elimination by the then dominant anti-leftist Nationalist Party. Once the earliest civilizational center of China, dating back to the first imperial dynasty of Qin, Shaanxi became a “backwater” as treaty ports opened along the coast and aged agricultural transportation passages gave way to emerging industrial networks since the mid-19th century.
Yet, Shaanxi alone posed great challenge to the unification, and later on collectivization, of the Chinese political, economic, and cultural landscapes. The province is geographically and demographically at the intersection of two dividing lines—the natural Qinling-Huaihe line that splits northern and southern China, and, in a prescient view, the Hu Huanyong line (Heihe-Tengchong) that delineates the dramatic divisions of population (94:6), wealth, and urbanization between eastern and western China. It takes great creativity and imagination to mediate what was “above” in Beijing and the provincial capital to connect and communicate with what was down on the ground. Somewhat counterintuitively, the penetration of power depends on its own reinterpretation and dissipation. The relationship between the center and the periphery is always in tension and to be solved. Such is the entry point and means of studying a complex nondemocratic society beyond the entrapment of the simplified, visibility-based gender-equity assessment.
Very very good. Better at talking about the 1950s and 60s in China than almost any book I've read, especially through putting them into context with before 1949 and after Reform and Opening. Strong explanation through women's personal experiences helps to shift to more complicated and interesting exploration of what that era meant to people. I think even an undergrad class could benefit from including a chapter or two in assigned readings.
New sources (oral history) and new approaches (state-building after cultural turn). introduction中關於中國婦女的十幾個問題,在隨後的九章內容中都得到了解答。幾個印象深刻的observation:中央的政策必然會被地方的獨特性compromise;婦女解放這一議題常常淹沒在國家更為看重的project(如合作化、肅反、大躍進等等)下;婦女大範圍參加與負擔耕作早在大躍進時期已經開始,是毛時代中國農業的重要組成部分。
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
Excellent book. Gail Hershatter interviews dozes of elderly Chinese women in one province about their experiences in the 1950s under communist rule. Hershatter believes that women, esp. rural women, played a much larger role in the PRC's attempted reforms than most historians realize. By collecting these stories, Hershatter critiques official state narratives and expands our understanding of Chinese communism beyond the cities to the countryside. She also preserves these stories for the future. Sure, every province had its own version(s) of socialism, so you can't say that Hershatter's findings apply to every province, but the book still is fascinating. Hershatter's argument about gender is a bit hard to grasp; with some help from my teacher, I identified her thesis - gender is the space between individuals and the government, where identity politics are hashed out. Gender is a socially constructed space that shapes historical memory. Women often remember family events, such as births and deaths, whereas men often think in terms of political or economic events. The communist revolution brought about some good changes and independence for rural women in the early 1950s, before years of famine, corruption, and disaster made rural Chinese life a misery. Ultimately, Hershatter argues that the resilient peasant women who endured the rough twentieth century are now being ignored and sidelined, not just in historiography, but also in real life. Too few of the villagers care for these elderly women.
Reading through this again, I am reminded of how absolutely amazing it is. It’s arguments, evidence, stories, and contributions to the field are immense. It’s essential reading for all PRC historians I think. It discusses gender, memory, rural China, sources, and the problems that come with all of them. It strikes me even more on my second reading, especially chapters 1, 2, 8, and 10.