While it would be an exaggeration to characterise the Allies' Italian campaign from 1943 to 1945 as forgotten, it is certainly neglected in the popular imagination compared to the war in North West Europe. On the one hand, Italy was a subsidiary campaign, and could never be the main focus of Allied efforts to defeat Nazi Germany. On the other hand, the fighting there was as brutal as any in the entire war (including on the Eastern Front), and the contribution that the American and DUKE forces in Italy made to Germany’s defeat deserves to be much better understood.
James Holland is one of the best contemporary writers of Second World War popular history and has done a particularly stellar job of narrating, in its full context, the progress of the Allied campaign from North Africa to Sicily and now onto Italy. Having previously written about the final year of the war in Italy, this and his upcoming book, Cassino ‘44, fill in the gap in the timeline following the expulsion of Axis forces from Sicily. Given the theatre’s secondary status, he outlines at least three compelling reasons for the Allies continuing to fight there. The first is simple operational momentum: having built up huge forces in North Africa and then Sicily, it was inconceivable that the Allies would call a halt after the Axis retreat across the Straits of Messina. Therein lies the fatal weakness of the Italian campaign: the forces available were too large to do nothing, but not powerful enough to ensure a decisive victory, especially with the constraints that the terrain in Italy placed on Allied material dominance. A further draw on Allied fighting ability in Italy was the “tyranny of OVERLORD” as more and more men and equipment, and particularly assault landing craft, were drawn off for the upcoming cross-channel invasion. The second reason to invade was the very attractive likelihood of knocking one of the Axis powers out of the war, and of capturing their capital. The subsequent inevitable drawing of German forces into Italy to replace those of their defeated ally would benefit both the Soviets and the eventual Allied front in North West Europe by drawing significant numbers of troops away from those theatres. The third and final reason for invasion was the potential that Italy held as a base of strategic air operations into the southern part of the Reich and the Ploesti oil fields in Romania. This latter consideration was on the minds of Allied commanders even before the invasion of Sicily, as Holland comments: “the opportunities for establishing a strategic air force in Italy began to emerge. Spaatz, for one, was above all a bomber man, and now wedded to the POINTBLANK concept of destroying the Luftwaffe as soon as possible…with Sicily successfully invaded, Spaatz urged Arnold to back his plans for operating strategic air forces from Italy.”
As the invasion of Sicily drew to a close, and the Allies mulled what to do next, the difference in approach of the British and Americans came to the fore. Holland’s articulation of this warrants quoting at length: “The British way, ever since France had collapsed in June 1940, tended to approach strategy opportunistically, responding to various crises and trying to exploit their enemy's weaknesses. North Africa had been a case in point. Germany's strength had lain primarily in its land power and, to an extent, air power. What it lacked was shipping, especially of the freighter variety. Militarily, Britain's focus had been its dominant maritime power and burgeoning air power, so it had made sense to fight in far-off places which were much harder for the Axis forces to supply. The British also firmly believed that Germany-first strategy meant that winning the war in Europe was the top priority, and that the Japanese could be held at bay until the Nazis were no more and then dealt with…By contrast, the Americans wanted to go all-out with a different strategic approach, which was, in essence, to draw a straight line to Berlin, attack along the shortest route and work out what they needed to make that happen. Obviously, this meant launching an assault from Britain across the English Channel and into occupied northern France. There was very sound good sense to this. Britain could become an enormous base camp from which to launch - and then maintain - such an operation. The Mediterranean, on the other hand, was quite a long way from Britain, even further from the United States, and if the Allies now invaded Italy the logistical challenges would be suddenly switched; supplying Italy overland from the Reich was obviously more straightforward than sailing literally every bullet and box of bully beef through the Mediterranean or from the Middle East. What's more, dealing with Japan as quickly as possible was the highest priority for Admiral Ernest King, the C-in-C of the US Navy, for the President and for the US Chiefs of Staff. So from the American perspective there were some very obvious stumbling blocks in continuing an ongoing strategy in the Mediterranean. Churchill had grandiose plans to secure the entire Aegean and eastern Mediterranean, bring in Turkey and support the partisans although, as he made clear, an invasion of Italy was the centrepiece of these intentions; and, in fairness, there were some logical reasons for that. Italy was only an inch away from Sicily across the Straits of Messina and then Allied forces would be on mainland Europe. If Italy could be forced out of the war, that would mean German troops would have to either retreat - which seemed unlikely, because Hitler has proved time and again his reluctance to ever do so - or replace the Italian troops with Germans.” As Holland succinctly and articulately concludes, “This was the awful conundrum the allies now found themselves in on that Tuesday, 17 August 1943, when giant events all seemed to be converging. They had too many troops in the Mediterranean to do nothing and very many good strategic reasons to invade Italy, but they did not have enough to win these prizes easily or even with anything like a guarantee of success. Yet the stone had already begun to roll down the hill. Strategic momentum had taken root.”
This book also shows Holland at his best as a writer and storyteller. Ultimately, war history is all about people, and Holland is a master of weaving together a clear and coherent campaign narrative around a core cast of characters. This allows us to grow more familiar with them throughout the book, and unlike in previous books, Holland has almost exclusively used contemporary letters, diaries and journals from the men and women he follows. This has the twofold effect of adding immediacy to the narrative, and also dramatic tension as we don’t know the final fate of any of them. When some are inevitably killed, the effect is devastating (the death of one young German officer in particular came as a punch to the gut). I’ve also noticed a development in Holland's writing style, as he tends to up the tempo in passages describing action, and slows down in between. This makes the book even more enjoyable, as the ebb and flow of rhythm and pace keeps the reader fully engaged.
Turning to the invasion and the start of the Italian campaign itself, Holland unpacks the two-pronged approach the Allies undertake. Montgomery’s invasion into the toe and the slow progress from there is an aspect of the war I was almost entirely unfamiliar with, while the Salerno invasion under Clarke is a point of exquisite drama and tension. Mark Clark is often maligned, but Holland has clearly grown to have considerable respect for him through his research and writing. Concerning Salerno, he writes that, “Clark and his men, with the help of Allied naval and air forces, had pulled off a remarkable victory in an operation that had been blighted from the outset by wider political pressure, insufficient shipping, a lack of planning time and the ludicrous machinations that surrounded the Italian armistice…Ironically, that same day a patrol from the 36th Texans made contact with leading reconnaissance troops from the Eighth Army at Vallo, twenty miles to the south. So much expectation had been pinned on this link-up since the landings, and yet when it finally happened the battle at Salerno had already been turned. The truth was that Fifth Army had landed at Salerno back on 9 September without anything like enough men, materiel and firepower to ensure success. At a time when the Allies were very sensibly trying to eschew any kind of high-risk, very damaging setback, AVALANCHE was about as high-risk an operation as could have possibly been conceived, spurred on by an Allied urgency to accelerate the war that was totally out of the hands of those expected to do the
fighting on the ground. Credit, rightly, was being given to the naval and air effort, but in many ways that was a given. The Allied naval forces in the Mediterranean were immensely experienced and the Royal Navy, especially, had always been Britain's most polished arm; after all, it had been the largest navy in the world in 1939 and its professionalism ran deep. Similarly, the Mediterranean Allied Air Forces had also developed into a huge and well-honed machine. At the very top it was led by people of immense experience - commanders who had been developing both tactical and strategic air power in the theatre for two years and more, and at a more junior level by group, wing and squadron commanders who were tough, combat-hardened and had learned about combat flying in multiple theatres…The air forces were also operating against a fading Luftwaffe that was no longer their equal in either numbers or skill. The task of the Allied air forces, then, had been a formidable one, but it was also a challenge to which they were more obviously able to successfully rise.”
The risk that the Allies took in landing at Salerno when they did, in particular, is an aspect of the story that I had not appreciated before. Now that the southernmost part of the Italian peninsula was secured, the focus began to switch to the drive towards Rome, even as it became increasingly clear that this was unlikely to be either quick or easy because of the constraints already described. “The invasion of Italy - conceived in August in the heat and sun of a Mediterranean summer and based on dubious intelligence that Hitler planned to swiftly retreat north of Rome - had been launched on the understanding that its objectives would be quickly achieved, that the capital would be in Allied hands in a trice and that it would be a limited operation to keep Allied troops in the fight on land until the second front opened up in northern France early the following summer. Having the Germans contest every inch of the way, with Allied armies slogging their way through mud, rain and all manner of blown bridges and mine-strewn roads, had not really featured in the planning phase - a phase that Clark had been a witness and party to. The President and Prime Minister wanted swift results, and the Chiefs of Staff wanted swift results, and that meant being in Rome by Christmas. Clark, understandably, felt the heat.” The tyranny of OVERLORD also continued to bite, as “seven Allied divisions were to be withdrawn and also 170 heavy bombers - still currently operating from North Africa - plus most troop-carrying aircraft and almost all landing craft, except a skeleton number that could lift, at a push, one division. Alexander's troops on the ground now faced the prospect of attacking an army superior in numbers and in terrain that favoured the defender in every single way. Sure, the Allies had a massive advantage in air power, but, as the recent rains had demonstrated, they might as well not be there at all when it was raining buckets and the skies were bruised with ten-tenths cloud. Autumn had been like late summer; now, it seemed, the weather had turned to winter overnight.”
Nevertheless, “Foggia was captured by the British 1st Airborne on 27 September, and with it thirteen precious airfields, all of which were in theory equipped to take heavy four-engine bombers. It would take a little time to move the strategic air forces across, with all the supplies, spare parts, fuel, ordnance and ground crew that would be needed, but at a stroke the Allies had a complex of bases from which they could further tighten the aerial noose around the Third Reich. Ploesti, Germany's only source of oil, was within even closer range. So too were aircraft plants in southern Germany and Austria. At the Quebec Conference, capturing these airfields had been a major factor in the decision to invade Italy, from where the POINTBLANK directive - to destroy the Luftwaffe - could be further prosecuted. In fact, three of the prime motivations for invading Italy had already been accomplished: the Allies had the Foggia airfield complex, Italy was out of the war, and they had drawn German divisions away from the Western and Eastern Fronts. So, judged by the goals the Allies had set themselves, the Italian campaign was already a notable success; the only objective that still eluded them was Rome.” Additionally, the German withdrawal from Taranto, Brindisi and Bari was a considerable boon in accelerating the effort to get Foggia operational: “For the landing craft-starved Allies, the almost cost-free capture of the three Apulian ports was a considerable own goal on the part of the Germans because it meant that DUKE divisions could be landed in large troopships directly on to the quayside, with no limit to the size of the ship being used. This ensured that the build-up of supplies would be quicker too, both for Eighth Army divisions but also for the air forces moving to Foggia.”
Meanwhile, further North, Allied infantry and armour continued to slog their way through worsening weather conditions, in highly defensible terrain, and against a resilient and determined enemy: “Clark headed to Caserta to inspect the 6th Grenadier Guards, one of the battalions that had tried to take Monte Camino earlier in November. The battalion should have been 845 men-strong, but it currently had just 315 - and it was about to be flung at Camino again. This was the debilitating effect the Italian campaign was having and was atypical of the Allied approach to war, in which normally units were regularly rotated and kept up to strength. That perennial issue - shipping - and the Allied strategy higher up the chain was being felt most harshly by the infantry battalions who were expected to simply do more with less…In no other theatre was more demanded of Allied front-line troops. They were not being supplied with the normal levels of materiel or replacements. The conditions were appalling: the mud, the rain, the freezing temperatures, disease, the inability to deploy armour, mechaization and air power. In the valley floor the mud was knee-deep. Even in the jungle or on Pacific atolls, the men could at least dig in. In the mountains the soil was thin or non-existent, making mortars and shells even more lethal and shelter harder to come by.”
Holland is fairly glowing in his assessment of both Clark and Alexander, commenting that “Brooke's concern about a lack of grip was really a reflection of his own dissatisfaction with how far the Italian campaign was going awry. As the senior military general in the British armed forces, it was he and his fellow Combined Chiefs who were not gripping the situation. It wasn't the fault of Alexander, or Montgomery, or Clark that they had been so poorly served by the Combined Chiefs. Nor was it the commanders in 15th Army Group who were deciding what landing craft and shipping was available, or who were insisting that the strategic air forces should have the priority of the logistic chain. They could only do what they could with what they had been given and, frankly, that was simply not enough for the truly monumental task in hand…What's more, Alexander had been telling the Combined Chiefs nothing less than the truth when he predicted the discrepancy in the number of divisions. The division was the unit size by which the scale of armies was judged at this time. It was true that the Allies had more artillery and considerably more air forces than the Germans, and substantially greater numbers of vehicles. The trouble was, the combination of the weather and the terrain was limiting the use of vehicles and aircraft, and so it was being largely left to the infantry to do the hard yards - the PBI as Jack Ward referred to them. In other words, the huge material advantage of the Allies was being offset by the rain, mud and mountains. As a result, the playing field was levelling considerably.”
Again, Holland continues, “The military rule of thumb might have been a manpower advantage of three to one as a bare minimum in any attack, but here in Italy, where the mountains and terrain and weather so heavily favoured the defender, that figure needed to be higher. Normally, Allied armies could operate with less front-line infantry than, say, the Germans or the Red Army, because they were very well supported both technologically and mechanically; but that model wasn't working anything like as effectively now, in winter, in the mountains and mud of Italy. The trouble was, even taking establishment figures for divisions at face value, the Allied armies did not have a three-to-one advantage. At the coalface it was closer to parity, although precise numbers depended on at what stage of the fighting comparisons were being made. With this in mind, that the Allies were making any headway at all was hugely impressive, especially since they were unable to fight in the way that had been successfully developed over the previous twelve months in North Africa and then in Sicily…This fire-heavy, methodical way of war had proved very effective since it had been more consciously introduced in August 1942 and dovetailed well into broader principles of using steel rather than flesh wherever possible. The shortcomings of this approach had been exposed in recent weeks. The Allied infantry now needed to adapt swiftly and become more tactically flexible for the mountains, mud and flooded ground over which they were now fighting.”
The Savage Storm ends as 1943 turns into 1944, with the Allies still south of Rome and the terrible battle of Monte Cassino lying ahead. The Italian campaign may have been hastily designed and ill-prepared for, but it was being fought with a determination and grit that shows the Allies at their best. Holland’s writing and insights do justice to an epic tale that deserves to be much better understood, and I can’t wait to read his follow-up later in the year.