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The Harding Era: Warren G. Harding and His Administration
The 1920's challenge the historian and the general reader with the controversial and misunderstood figure of Warren G. Harding, president from 1921 until his death in 1923. Professor Murray re-examines and re-evaluates Harding's nomination, election, and presidency in the light of newly available materials, especially the Harding Papers. He demonstrates that Harding was not a bumbling nonentity as heretofore pictured and that his administration was surprisingly successful in solving its immediate problems. Inheriting domestic and international chaos, the administration engineered an efficient transition from the postwar turmoil of the late Wilson years to a time of prosperity under Collidge. Significantly also, it established the basic outlines of Republican party policy for the rest of the decade. As Professor Murray makes clear, Harding was more than a bystander in these accomplishments; he was a catalytic influence, succeeding where a different personality might have failed. Harding's failure, the author concludes, was not in the nature of his administration but in himself and his friends. His own flaws, coupled with the corrupt activity of such associates as Forbes, Miller, and Fall, tipped the scales in the public's eyes against his administration's achievements. In the process, many persistent myths were created. Now, in this book, the myths are analyzed and, wherever necessary, dispelled.
626 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1969
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October 26, 2015
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“The Harding Era: Warren G. Harding and His Administration” is Robert Murray’s 1969 biography of this scandal-tainted president. Murray was a professor at Pennsylvania State University and chairman of the department of history.
Published five years after Harding’s personal papers became publicly available, Murray’s biography proves an extremely scholarly and well-researched study. His main thesis is that the era of the 1920s – and Harding’s administration, in particular – are deserving of a reinterpretation based on facts rather than myth or legend.
While conducting his “reinterpretation” Murray is more supportive of Harding than many other biographers. But while never reluctant to point out Harding’s many flaws, Murray devotes very little time to the sensational tales of Harding’s infidelity. And he ultimately judges Harding, as president, no worse than Pierce, Johnson, Benjamin Harrison or Calvin Coolidge.
This book, however, is far more a detailed study of Harding’s presidency than a comprehensive biography of his life. Readers seeking significant insight into his personality, his childhood or his relationship with his wife will be disappointed. After the first 25 of this book’s 537 pages, Harding is in already his mid-fifties and is the Republican candidate for president.
Despite the speed with which Murray hurries through Harding’s early life the book’s first chapter is excellent, capturing the essence of Harding’s political career if not his personal life. But once Harding is nominated for the presidency the book’s pace slows dramatically and the reader is immersed in a seemingly endless array of political detail. And much of the focus is devoted to the “Harding Era” rather than on Harding himself.
A few dedicated (and presumably academically-oriented) readers will revel in the detail. But most others will find the heart of the book tedious and dull, resembling a painstakingly researched and well-assembled PhD thesis. Harding’s presidency is structured topically, rather than chronologically, and covers areas such as agricultural policy, labor relations and foreign policy issues. But while Murray’s analysis is excellent, it is all too easy to miss the forest for the trees.
The book’s final two chapters are excellent, focusing on the last days of Harding’s life (and presidency), the scandals which matured after his death and the evolution of his legacy. Murray also provides a fascinating and insightful review of the Harding biographies published prior to the late 1960s.
By the book’s end, Murray will have convinced many in the audience that Harding’s presidency deserves consideration as “well below average” rather than “abysmal.” But it is doubtful anyone will feel they have gained any real understanding of Harding as a person. In contrast to the charisma he apparently exuded during his life, Harding comes across as a distant historical figure who is flat, dull and lifeless.
Overall, Robert Murray’s “The Harding Era: Warren G. Harding and His Administration” is a serious and scholarly review of Harding’s life. But its focus is uneven; very little attention is dedicated to his childhood, his decades as a newspaper publisher or his time in state politics. As a history text covering the post-Progressive Era Murray’s book seems compelling. But judged as a biography of the 29th president it proves disappointing.
Overall rating: 2¾ stars
“The Harding Era: Warren G. Harding and His Administration” is Robert Murray’s 1969 biography of this scandal-tainted president. Murray was a professor at Pennsylvania State University and chairman of the department of history.
Published five years after Harding’s personal papers became publicly available, Murray’s biography proves an extremely scholarly and well-researched study. His main thesis is that the era of the 1920s – and Harding’s administration, in particular – are deserving of a reinterpretation based on facts rather than myth or legend.
While conducting his “reinterpretation” Murray is more supportive of Harding than many other biographers. But while never reluctant to point out Harding’s many flaws, Murray devotes very little time to the sensational tales of Harding’s infidelity. And he ultimately judges Harding, as president, no worse than Pierce, Johnson, Benjamin Harrison or Calvin Coolidge.
This book, however, is far more a detailed study of Harding’s presidency than a comprehensive biography of his life. Readers seeking significant insight into his personality, his childhood or his relationship with his wife will be disappointed. After the first 25 of this book’s 537 pages, Harding is in already his mid-fifties and is the Republican candidate for president.
Despite the speed with which Murray hurries through Harding’s early life the book’s first chapter is excellent, capturing the essence of Harding’s political career if not his personal life. But once Harding is nominated for the presidency the book’s pace slows dramatically and the reader is immersed in a seemingly endless array of political detail. And much of the focus is devoted to the “Harding Era” rather than on Harding himself.
A few dedicated (and presumably academically-oriented) readers will revel in the detail. But most others will find the heart of the book tedious and dull, resembling a painstakingly researched and well-assembled PhD thesis. Harding’s presidency is structured topically, rather than chronologically, and covers areas such as agricultural policy, labor relations and foreign policy issues. But while Murray’s analysis is excellent, it is all too easy to miss the forest for the trees.
The book’s final two chapters are excellent, focusing on the last days of Harding’s life (and presidency), the scandals which matured after his death and the evolution of his legacy. Murray also provides a fascinating and insightful review of the Harding biographies published prior to the late 1960s.
By the book’s end, Murray will have convinced many in the audience that Harding’s presidency deserves consideration as “well below average” rather than “abysmal.” But it is doubtful anyone will feel they have gained any real understanding of Harding as a person. In contrast to the charisma he apparently exuded during his life, Harding comes across as a distant historical figure who is flat, dull and lifeless.
Overall, Robert Murray’s “The Harding Era: Warren G. Harding and His Administration” is a serious and scholarly review of Harding’s life. But its focus is uneven; very little attention is dedicated to his childhood, his decades as a newspaper publisher or his time in state politics. As a history text covering the post-Progressive Era Murray’s book seems compelling. But judged as a biography of the 29th president it proves disappointing.
Overall rating: 2¾ stars
November 24, 2018
I have never intentionally not finished a book, but this would have been the first had I not owned it, and if it would not mean starting a different biography of Warren Harding. I've heard that none of the others--so far--are great either.
As a detailed analysis of the Harding Administration, Murray's effort probably stands alone in its quality, but as a biography it falls terribly flat. Harding is already president by page 100, skipping past what was a long and, I am sure, quite interesting career as a newspaper owner and editor. His personal life is barely addressed at all, and extra-marital dalliances are saved for a slipshod final chapter in which Murray mentions numerous other books and writings, calling out their shortcomings in case I want to read something even worse than this.
Good, however, was the presentation of the tragic end of Harding's life. Murray covered the final trip to the West Coast (although it too was rushed between the first and last stops), and provided an unusual amount of detail of the days after Harding's death.
Ultimately, though, I came away feeling like I knew more about Herbert Hoover, Harry Daugherty, and Calvin Coolidge than I did Harding, and learned almost nothing about Mrs. Harding. Because other writings published prior to this one focused on scandals, personal vices, and fabrications, I think Murray was overly apologetic and forgiving, and tried to make this book everything that those are not, but nothing more. That leaves this work equally a half-empty glass, although what is there is for the most part delicious.
Murray has convinced me that WG Harding was a pretty good president, but concealed the rest of his life and legacy in a thick fog.
As a detailed analysis of the Harding Administration, Murray's effort probably stands alone in its quality, but as a biography it falls terribly flat. Harding is already president by page 100, skipping past what was a long and, I am sure, quite interesting career as a newspaper owner and editor. His personal life is barely addressed at all, and extra-marital dalliances are saved for a slipshod final chapter in which Murray mentions numerous other books and writings, calling out their shortcomings in case I want to read something even worse than this.
Good, however, was the presentation of the tragic end of Harding's life. Murray covered the final trip to the West Coast (although it too was rushed between the first and last stops), and provided an unusual amount of detail of the days after Harding's death.
Ultimately, though, I came away feeling like I knew more about Herbert Hoover, Harry Daugherty, and Calvin Coolidge than I did Harding, and learned almost nothing about Mrs. Harding. Because other writings published prior to this one focused on scandals, personal vices, and fabrications, I think Murray was overly apologetic and forgiving, and tried to make this book everything that those are not, but nothing more. That leaves this work equally a half-empty glass, although what is there is for the most part delicious.
Murray has convinced me that WG Harding was a pretty good president, but concealed the rest of his life and legacy in a thick fog.
August 11, 2009
"The Harding Era," is the only biography of Pres. Warren Harding which is not built on Harding stereotypes. Robert Murray, a professor at the University of Minnesota when the book was published, undertook an exhaustive and objective assessment of Pres. Harding and his administration based in part on the Harding papers which at that time were newly-released. Murray documents that Harding's White House months were notably successful - Harding became the only U.S. president of the 20th Century to lead the nation into disarmament. He declared if ever again the nation should conclude that a military draft is required, this draft must be accompanied by a "draft" of capital. Harding showed personal bravery as a civil rights pioneer when he went to Birmingham to tell an audience of Southerners that segregation, lynching and the Jim Crow era must be ended. Murray reveals a Harding at significant difference from the Harding in popular lore.
April 21, 2022
Warren Harding is usually considered to be a failure as President due to the scandals that emerged after Harding's death. In this book Robert K. Murray gives what is easily the most in-depth study of the Harding administration. Murray tracks Harding's efforts to enact changes in foreign policy as well as tackling the challenges of the early 1920s
March 5, 2017
When selecting presidential biographies, my goal is to find a whole life biography that tells the whole story - where the president grew up, his family, is body of work prior to his presidency. Ideally, this work will place the man in the proper context including the social, economic, and political environment he navigated.
This book fails on the first but succeeds on the second. It took all of one chapter for the author to bring us to Harding's nomination. But it was superb at painting a picture of the challenges Harding (and the nation) faced, and how he managed them.
Throughout the book I was expecting to read about the scandals. It wasn't until the final chapter, after his death, that Murray went into Teapot Dome, Nan Britton, and the rest. Murray makes the case that these scandals were blown out of proportion, only involved him marginally, and had little or no documentary evidence to back them up. He insists that these scandals kept the public attention in large part due to the Harding Memorial Association's reluctance and delay in making his papers available to historians.
Harding can boast a long list of accomplishments, and Murray does make a good case that he wasn't the worst president in history. He ruled in troubled times (financial depression after the botched demobilization of the war, administrative malaise after 19 months of Wilson's inactivity due to ill health, growing fear of communism, labor unrest, and so on) and oversaw a return to financial growth, government accountability, and improved foreign relations.
This book fails on the first but succeeds on the second. It took all of one chapter for the author to bring us to Harding's nomination. But it was superb at painting a picture of the challenges Harding (and the nation) faced, and how he managed them.
Throughout the book I was expecting to read about the scandals. It wasn't until the final chapter, after his death, that Murray went into Teapot Dome, Nan Britton, and the rest. Murray makes the case that these scandals were blown out of proportion, only involved him marginally, and had little or no documentary evidence to back them up. He insists that these scandals kept the public attention in large part due to the Harding Memorial Association's reluctance and delay in making his papers available to historians.
Harding can boast a long list of accomplishments, and Murray does make a good case that he wasn't the worst president in history. He ruled in troubled times (financial depression after the botched demobilization of the war, administrative malaise after 19 months of Wilson's inactivity due to ill health, growing fear of communism, labor unrest, and so on) and oversaw a return to financial growth, government accountability, and improved foreign relations.
July 2, 2025
A very popular topic in social media is to the effect of "Ten Things Taught In School That Turned Out to Be Lies".
What's ironic is that these supposedly enlightened lists often replace old lies with new lies.
One of the biggest lies taught is that Woodrow Wilson was one of our best presidents, and Warren Gamaliel Harding was one of our worst.
The fact is, in Nov 1920, Americans were tired of Wilson's progressivism and dead set against the League of Nations, and said as much at the polls. In Nov 1920, Wilsonian progressivism was utterly rejected, and the Republicans won control of the White House, the House, and the Senate.
The bad image of Harding is primarily rooted in the Teapot Dome bribery scandal, and two tell-all scandal books.
Harding had nothing to do with Teapot Dome, a scandal that involved government workers accepting bribes in return for lucrative oil leases.
The two tell-all books purport that Harding was cheating on his wife and even fathered children outside of marriage. The authors of these books never were able to provide proof of any of these allegations, yet the lies persisted to this day.
With regard to Harding's presidency, while cut short after only 2 1/2 years due to a heart attack, there is no doubt his presidency was extremely productive.
Harding collected war debts from World War I, participated in the World Court, refused to recognize the Soviet government, improved relations with Latin America, restricted immigration, cut government spending, lowered taxes, and imposed protective tariffs. He turned back the Soldier's Bonus because it was unfunded, and he enforced the Volstead Act (Prohibition).
Harding appointed no less than four new justices to the US Supreme Court, including its Chief Justice William Howard Taft. He signed legislation that began the US highway system, and pushed to establish a merchant marine.
Harding was a businessman who owned the "Marion Star" newspaper. As an experienced news writer, Harding enjoyed the best press relations of any president in history.
Significantly, Harding was the first president to push for civil rights for black Americans. While Wilson fired most black workers from federal government, Harding pushed for giving blacks the right to vote and access to education.
Harding and the rest of the GOP were staunch opponents to Wilson's League of Nations. The GOP Senate defeated it when it finally came to a vote.
Wilson's term was typified by crippling inflation followed by a depression during which millions of Americans were out of work.
During the Harding years, the US recovered and in 1923 entered an era of good feeling and robust economic growth that today is nicknamed the Roaring Twenties. The voters gave credit where credit was due: in Nov 1924, Calvin Coolidge was elected President outright, and the GOP gained additional seats in Congress.
Despite all the revisionism you hear today among "historians" and college professors, the Americans who actually lived during the World War I era and beyond knew the truth about Warren Harding and rewarded him generously at the polls for his leadership and accomplishments. When he died in office, it is estimated that over a million people came out to honor the deceased president as his train journeyed from California back to Washington D.C. And another 35,000 citizens paid their respect at the Capitol before Harding was taken to his final resting place in Marion, Ohio. His wife Florence died the following year, Nov 1924, shortly after Coolidge was elected president.
Read "The Harding Era" and be prepared to learn the truth.
What's ironic is that these supposedly enlightened lists often replace old lies with new lies.
One of the biggest lies taught is that Woodrow Wilson was one of our best presidents, and Warren Gamaliel Harding was one of our worst.
The fact is, in Nov 1920, Americans were tired of Wilson's progressivism and dead set against the League of Nations, and said as much at the polls. In Nov 1920, Wilsonian progressivism was utterly rejected, and the Republicans won control of the White House, the House, and the Senate.
The bad image of Harding is primarily rooted in the Teapot Dome bribery scandal, and two tell-all scandal books.
Harding had nothing to do with Teapot Dome, a scandal that involved government workers accepting bribes in return for lucrative oil leases.
The two tell-all books purport that Harding was cheating on his wife and even fathered children outside of marriage. The authors of these books never were able to provide proof of any of these allegations, yet the lies persisted to this day.
With regard to Harding's presidency, while cut short after only 2 1/2 years due to a heart attack, there is no doubt his presidency was extremely productive.
Harding collected war debts from World War I, participated in the World Court, refused to recognize the Soviet government, improved relations with Latin America, restricted immigration, cut government spending, lowered taxes, and imposed protective tariffs. He turned back the Soldier's Bonus because it was unfunded, and he enforced the Volstead Act (Prohibition).
Harding appointed no less than four new justices to the US Supreme Court, including its Chief Justice William Howard Taft. He signed legislation that began the US highway system, and pushed to establish a merchant marine.
Harding was a businessman who owned the "Marion Star" newspaper. As an experienced news writer, Harding enjoyed the best press relations of any president in history.
Significantly, Harding was the first president to push for civil rights for black Americans. While Wilson fired most black workers from federal government, Harding pushed for giving blacks the right to vote and access to education.
Harding and the rest of the GOP were staunch opponents to Wilson's League of Nations. The GOP Senate defeated it when it finally came to a vote.
Wilson's term was typified by crippling inflation followed by a depression during which millions of Americans were out of work.
During the Harding years, the US recovered and in 1923 entered an era of good feeling and robust economic growth that today is nicknamed the Roaring Twenties. The voters gave credit where credit was due: in Nov 1924, Calvin Coolidge was elected President outright, and the GOP gained additional seats in Congress.
Despite all the revisionism you hear today among "historians" and college professors, the Americans who actually lived during the World War I era and beyond knew the truth about Warren Harding and rewarded him generously at the polls for his leadership and accomplishments. When he died in office, it is estimated that over a million people came out to honor the deceased president as his train journeyed from California back to Washington D.C. And another 35,000 citizens paid their respect at the Capitol before Harding was taken to his final resting place in Marion, Ohio. His wife Florence died the following year, Nov 1924, shortly after Coolidge was elected president.
Read "The Harding Era" and be prepared to learn the truth.
March 29, 2024
An Era and an Historian in Search of Relevance
When I first started out on this project to study the histories of the Presidents of the United States, it was with the goal of trying to understand the office and the office holder within the context of the time.
For Warren G. Harding, a less than startling intellect who rode a Republican wave into the White House on a tide of Post-War Anti-Wilsonism, it was easy to understand how such a startling contrast can be swept into the highest office of the land wholly unsuited to the role. For a country that had lost over 53,000 soldiers killed and 320,000 wounded in 19 months of combat but likewise propelled into unfathomable power, while flush in wealth and influence was also inclined to want to retreat to its side of the Atlantic and shuff the vestments of international engagement. While Wilson had seen an opportunity to America to have a prominent role in a New World Order, the isolationist, America First (this is when it was birthed) return to "normalcy" (a word also born due to a mishearing or "normality") of a golf obsessed glad handing man's man was a seductive escape from global responsibility.
In post World War-I, labor was having to take a backseat to a burgeoning economic oligarchy where manufacturing and machines called for oil and gas and unchecked greed to exploit it. Stuck with hundreds of ships the nation couldn't give away and a Europe trying to return to business and agriculture desirous of exports in order to repay American creditors, the Republicans instituted high tariffs that led to eroding trade and set in motion a crash to come. And in charge of it was a good timing Commander in Chief more prone to all night poker and cigars with the boys then hours cooped up hammering out policy papers. After he unexpectedly died in his third year in office, Harding's choices, from corrupt cabinet members to teenage mistresses all came out at a time when Prohibition was demanded on society at large while the President kept a full bar for poker night. All of these facts that made their way to the papers have kept Harding near the bottom of the list of presidents. Robert K. Smith attempts to resurrect Harding's reputation though his instinct as a conservative to knee jerk apologize and explain away the moral flexibility of an unqualified president can serve as a primer for contemporary apologism of this generation propagator of America First..
When I first started out on this project to study the histories of the Presidents of the United States, it was with the goal of trying to understand the office and the office holder within the context of the time.
For Warren G. Harding, a less than startling intellect who rode a Republican wave into the White House on a tide of Post-War Anti-Wilsonism, it was easy to understand how such a startling contrast can be swept into the highest office of the land wholly unsuited to the role. For a country that had lost over 53,000 soldiers killed and 320,000 wounded in 19 months of combat but likewise propelled into unfathomable power, while flush in wealth and influence was also inclined to want to retreat to its side of the Atlantic and shuff the vestments of international engagement. While Wilson had seen an opportunity to America to have a prominent role in a New World Order, the isolationist, America First (this is when it was birthed) return to "normalcy" (a word also born due to a mishearing or "normality") of a golf obsessed glad handing man's man was a seductive escape from global responsibility.
In post World War-I, labor was having to take a backseat to a burgeoning economic oligarchy where manufacturing and machines called for oil and gas and unchecked greed to exploit it. Stuck with hundreds of ships the nation couldn't give away and a Europe trying to return to business and agriculture desirous of exports in order to repay American creditors, the Republicans instituted high tariffs that led to eroding trade and set in motion a crash to come. And in charge of it was a good timing Commander in Chief more prone to all night poker and cigars with the boys then hours cooped up hammering out policy papers. After he unexpectedly died in his third year in office, Harding's choices, from corrupt cabinet members to teenage mistresses all came out at a time when Prohibition was demanded on society at large while the President kept a full bar for poker night. All of these facts that made their way to the papers have kept Harding near the bottom of the list of presidents. Robert K. Smith attempts to resurrect Harding's reputation though his instinct as a conservative to knee jerk apologize and explain away the moral flexibility of an unqualified president can serve as a primer for contemporary apologism of this generation propagator of America First..
March 29, 2022
It was refreshing to climb back into my look back at our U.S. Presidents. Warren Harding does not often attract much attention... but when one looks back with the eyes of today (which one must always do), one finds so much of Harding in our President of today. President Harding was a man of his age, and his successes as a Senator and as a President came less from clarity of idea or character, but more from an ability to compromise and to get along. The controversies that struck so shortly after his death have also been unkind to Harding. This may be the first man who I have met in my studies of our Presidents who was in his own right a remarkable man... rather a good, decent man who was easy to like, a man you wanted to help. But he was a man who was easily guided, and some of those guides were not men of good intent. So I leave Mr. Harding sad of the pressures and circumstances that may have led this good man to his early passing. Recommended.
July 31, 2024
Harding was ultimately one of the worst presidents we've ever had with one of the most corrupt administrations. This biography attempted to divert most of the blame away from him but Harding is responsible for the corruption in his cabinet and amongst his friends (I feel the same about Grant).
This biography was fairly interesting but I would have liked more information about Harding's personal life and childhood. You don't get a good view of Harding the person through this biography, just Harding the president.
This biography was fairly interesting but I would have liked more information about Harding's personal life and childhood. You don't get a good view of Harding the person through this biography, just Harding the president.
July 21, 2017
I really enjoyed the depth of this book. It is one of the best presidential biographies I have read.
January 7, 2017
If Murray were to be taken literally, then Wilson would be seen as the worst president in decades and Harding would be seen as the best. Instead we have to take into account that Murray was trying to vindicate Harding and even notes in his introduction that this book is a case of revisionist History.
That said, it is extraordinarily well written and organized. His research is impeccable, even if the book itself is largely apologistic and hagiographic.
That so many historians, and even History itself, could be so wrong for all this time about someone as important as a President of the United States is hard to swallow, but Murray makes a very convincing argument for why that may be so. As with any biography, the relationship that develops between an author and his subject has to be taken into account when gauging the usefulness of their opinion, but I think this book is exceedingly useful in examining Harding's Administration.
That said, it is extraordinarily well written and organized. His research is impeccable, even if the book itself is largely apologistic and hagiographic.
That so many historians, and even History itself, could be so wrong for all this time about someone as important as a President of the United States is hard to swallow, but Murray makes a very convincing argument for why that may be so. As with any biography, the relationship that develops between an author and his subject has to be taken into account when gauging the usefulness of their opinion, but I think this book is exceedingly useful in examining Harding's Administration.
March 3, 2015
Thorough account of his Presidency and the scandals that erupted after his death. But a very cursory treatment of his early life and political rise.
August 20, 2009
Long but interesting
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