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Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45
Some wear, highlighting and pencil marks.
302 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1985
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Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews
January 26, 2019
In Black Milwaukee, Joe Trotter seeks to posture his study of Milwaukee as the narrative of a positive proletarianizaiton—something quite divergent from standard Marxist thought. In providing vivid snapshots of Milwaukee during three crucial and transitional periods (Pre-World War I, Great Migration, and Great Depression/Word War II) Trotter argues that an Afro-American industrial working class emerges despite racial and capitalist impediments. Trotter breaks with the historiographical theme of early twentieth century Black ghettoization in this work; and while the study is rich with Marxist terminology, it is clear that this work is only Marxist in a revised context.
Despite a small Black population, Trotter has chosen to study Milwaukee for a variety of reasons. Perhaps most intriguing is the clear influence and popularity of socialism during the years 1912-1940. The socialist context of Black Milwaukee emerges out of the city’s early twentieth century industrial expansion, small but unified black population, relative economic depression, and proximity to Chicago; despite white racial and capitalist hostility. (Trotter, 8)
The significance of labor—specifically racial and capitalist dynamics—is clearly the strongest point argued in Black Milwaukee. Pre-Great Migration Blacks suffered from being relegated to domestic labor, personal service, or common labor; a Black narrative not uncommon. The advent of industrial expansion, World War I, and the Great Migration fueled the transformation that Trotter so delicately portrays. In newly industrialized Milwaukee, Blacks are still relegated to what can be perceived as bottom level posts in iron and steel mills, tanneries, meat-packing plants, and in construction. (Trotter, 47) Enter the socialist paradox: “proletarianizaiton created opportunities for Blacks while simultaneously fueling the racism that limited choices.” (Grossman, Reviews in American History, 228) Black labor organizations, segregated and operating under the umbrella of white socialist politicians such as D.W. Hoan, thrive in industrial Milwaukee. (Trotter 63-73) Trotter’s conclusion is that the Black labor movement evidences Blacks “shaping their own urban economic experience.” (Trotter, 73)
While Trotter’s descriptions of the black proletariat and middle classes come across as legitimate, the fact that Black Milwaukee is somewhat of a microscopic study strikes the reader as problematic. In one particular instance Trotter discusses the “decline” of legal professionals in the city. However, Trotter shortly reveals that said twenty-five percent decrease in Black lawyers represents a change from four to three between 1910 and 1930. (Trotter, 96) While on this particular topic, Trotter is successfully demonstrating the disproportionate growth of white versus Black professionals, the statistical implications of using such a small sample size threaten to limit any claims the study might aspire to make regarding applying finding in Milwaukee to a larger populous.
Concerning gender, the reader has to carefully weigh the near total absence of women from Trotter’s piece with two competing facts: the grossly disproportionate number of young Black males living in Milwaukee (Trotter, 58) and the higher percentage of Black dual income families compared to whites (Trotter, 60). Trotter attempts to buttress his assertion that women held an important role in the community with unemployment data from 1930 showing three times the unemployment rate among black women compared to white women. While these figures and a few others sporadically placed throughout the text might suggest the importance of gender in Trotter’s proletariat evolution, the lack of decisive evidence (as he provides on the topic of labor/capital relations) raises the flag of gender omission.
Despite a small Black population, Trotter has chosen to study Milwaukee for a variety of reasons. Perhaps most intriguing is the clear influence and popularity of socialism during the years 1912-1940. The socialist context of Black Milwaukee emerges out of the city’s early twentieth century industrial expansion, small but unified black population, relative economic depression, and proximity to Chicago; despite white racial and capitalist hostility. (Trotter, 8)
The significance of labor—specifically racial and capitalist dynamics—is clearly the strongest point argued in Black Milwaukee. Pre-Great Migration Blacks suffered from being relegated to domestic labor, personal service, or common labor; a Black narrative not uncommon. The advent of industrial expansion, World War I, and the Great Migration fueled the transformation that Trotter so delicately portrays. In newly industrialized Milwaukee, Blacks are still relegated to what can be perceived as bottom level posts in iron and steel mills, tanneries, meat-packing plants, and in construction. (Trotter, 47) Enter the socialist paradox: “proletarianizaiton created opportunities for Blacks while simultaneously fueling the racism that limited choices.” (Grossman, Reviews in American History, 228) Black labor organizations, segregated and operating under the umbrella of white socialist politicians such as D.W. Hoan, thrive in industrial Milwaukee. (Trotter 63-73) Trotter’s conclusion is that the Black labor movement evidences Blacks “shaping their own urban economic experience.” (Trotter, 73)
While Trotter’s descriptions of the black proletariat and middle classes come across as legitimate, the fact that Black Milwaukee is somewhat of a microscopic study strikes the reader as problematic. In one particular instance Trotter discusses the “decline” of legal professionals in the city. However, Trotter shortly reveals that said twenty-five percent decrease in Black lawyers represents a change from four to three between 1910 and 1930. (Trotter, 96) While on this particular topic, Trotter is successfully demonstrating the disproportionate growth of white versus Black professionals, the statistical implications of using such a small sample size threaten to limit any claims the study might aspire to make regarding applying finding in Milwaukee to a larger populous.
Concerning gender, the reader has to carefully weigh the near total absence of women from Trotter’s piece with two competing facts: the grossly disproportionate number of young Black males living in Milwaukee (Trotter, 58) and the higher percentage of Black dual income families compared to whites (Trotter, 60). Trotter attempts to buttress his assertion that women held an important role in the community with unemployment data from 1930 showing three times the unemployment rate among black women compared to white women. While these figures and a few others sporadically placed throughout the text might suggest the importance of gender in Trotter’s proletariat evolution, the lack of decisive evidence (as he provides on the topic of labor/capital relations) raises the flag of gender omission.
December 16, 2022
This was a very dry, detail look at Blacks in Milwaukee. It's heavy on statistics. But I felt it was lacking in HOW it became an Industrial Proletariat. It had some interesting stats but I felt it didn't have narrative to provide any conclusions.
January 27, 2025
The second edition, which I read, features several essays on the significance and value of this book. Start with Appendix 7 to understand how Black Milwaukee changed academic research on African American urban communities in the North.
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews