The 1930s and early 1940s were a critical period in the formation of British culture. The Second World War was to mark a decisive turning point, one that created a self-image for many Britons that, though now under pressure from the dominance of a multi-cultural globalist London, imbued them with a sense of their own 'difference' from Europe based on a nostalgia for aristocracy, country and rural community.
Alexandra Harris' solid contribution to cultural history provides a welcome summary of that process - the more conservative side, the creation of a 'modernising' neo-romanticism epitomised by artists and illustrators such as John Piper, Edward Bawden, Eric Ravilious, Ivon Hitchens and Rex Whistler but also by many writers and intellectuals, photographers, eccentrics, garden designers, architects and others.
She argues persuasively that the middle class English mind (she does not argue in class terms and that she does not place her narrative within a wider historical context is a weakness) adopted the intrusive modernist European culture in the early interwar period only to adapt it in the 1930s to a more conservative, traditionalist and earth-bound and ruralist subject matter.
She writes well although she falls into the classic trap of being so determined to do justice to specific works and writers that interesting little gobbets of data about key figures overwhelm any sense of a grand narrative. Sometimes one wonders whether she has actually demonstrated her thesis rather than suggested that she might be able to demonstrate it when she has stopped entertaining us.
Each chapter is like an essay but the accumulation of essays does not quite present the persuasive argument that it should, especially as there is an almost wilful neglect of the equally or more dominant trends that drove the 'progressive' middle class and the popular culture of the working class. Not that she should have discussed these other trends in any depth (which was not her mission) but only that it might have been useful if we had been given a better idea in passing of what was competing for the attention of the public.
By way of a small example, we may take the short reference to a film of significance - Powell and Pressburger's 'A Canterbury Tale'. This is a wartime propaganda piece of 1944 which can easily be found on YouTube and is a minor masterpiece of the neo-romantic sensibility. Her account of it is excellent and insightful but short and, because the nuances are not covered from lack of space and of interest in the sociology of culture, unintentionally potentially misleading.
The film is propaganda precisely because, by 1944, the conservative middle classes in the country had been relatively neglected in terms of mass mobilisation. Although the urban characters are definitely ruralised into some conservative values (partly to appeal to the evidently targeted mid-Western American audience that also needed to be persuaded of the value of coming sacrifices), the bottom line is still a message like Colonel Blimp's - the world has changed and you have to change too.
The country squire who pours glue into girls' hair is let off the hook because he is a decent conservative cove but he is left alone at the end, ignored even as a petty criminal of sorts. So much Harris 'gets' but the message that there is, in fact, no room for pure traditionalism is, I believe, much more strongly expressed than is implied.
This is not about traditionalists using modern methods in support of traditional values but something quite different - a respect for the junior role of traditional values and skills within an essentially modernist ideology of victory, planning and reconstruction. This is closer by an edge to Soviet support for Uzbek folk dancing than it is to the values of most of the writers and artists outlined in the book.
Artists also have to eat so we have Shell's important patronage of the neo-romantics to consider (and the neo-romantic aspects of the Festival of Britain) in much the same terms - the appropriation of traditionalist memes and images for essentially modernist purposes, reversing at this point the originating thesis of Harris' book which is the appropriation of modernist ideas and techniques to reinvigorate traditional arts (where she is absolutely right in her analysis).
Interestingly the film did not do particularly well critically at the time. It is instructive that, lauded though they are today, neo-romantic ideas did not really reach into popular or even elite culture until after the war and sponsorship by very modern institutions such as advertising agencies and government information operations far from the church and the village artistic community.
This was, however, an important element in the revolt against war socialism that led to the return of a conservative government. Britain had incorporated traditionalist memes and forms but it had no intention of doing anything more than that.
The aggressive nostalgia of Brideshead Revisited and the clever appropriation of rural romanticism by Shell both kick-started a rediscovery of past and country but the 'visitors' are clearly detached - both country and aristocracy are safely tamed for viewing. The modern National Trust visitor dutifully plods through the state rooms of its properties but he or she cannot wait to settle down in the old kitchens with a decent cup of tea and a 'home made' cake.
The modern leisured middle class, whether middle aged, retired or in family mode, communes not with the grand history of dates and family trees but with the invented memory of their own past. Their ancestors were far more likely to have been in service than been a Despenser or a Beckford. The sub-text is that Middle England now owns its own past (through its memberships) even if there are rules as to when you can take tea and when visit.
The monster of aristocratic privilege is tamed, much as Nosferatu becomes a children's cartoon with the passing of sufficient generations. The substance of Britain was already 'modern' in the 1930s let alone the 1950s. The greater the modernisation, the bigger the possibility of a 'safe space' to be allocated for the former monstrous oppressive powers of lords and prelates.
Harris' book is thus particularly important because she outlines all the many 'tools' that were available for the next generation of appropriators seeking a more settled Britain, tools that could be derived from the antiquarian and rural sensibility of the 1930s. The neo-romantic advertisements for Shell were naturally succeeded by the steady saving of country houses for the middle classes to do their 'Downton Abbey' act later while green belts emerged to let ribbon developments breathe.
We must grateful for this yet see it for it what it is - after all, it was often the Left that seemed as keen as anyone to preserve what was left of the past precisely because it contained no threat. It could be captured much like Labour had captured the State itself in 1945. Nevertheless, as the decades passed, a wider conservative traditionalist mentality emerged and became locked into the suburban and small town mentality of the English middle classes.
It might include country Anglicanism (visiting churches rather than services), the National Trust (actually a very efficient and modern organisation), repeated watching of variants of 'Brideshead Revisited' (rediscovered for manufactured nostalgia every two or three decades either directly or through bastardised copies such as 'Downton' and wholly dependent on the very modern medoum of television), English gardening and English cooking.
To many Britons, this neo-romantic idyll is pretty well what England now is outside London(with appropriate regional variants). The book itself starts with a church font and ends with a country house. Everything between these two symbolic artefacts of man seems to be a a gloss on 'modern' responses to a once-dominant Anglican faith and to a lost aristocracy. Perhaps, Harris likes it all a bit too much but that is her privilege. It is all very beautiful in its way even if much of it is fake.
Another bookend is more intellectual, between the cold platonic formalism of Fry and the Bloomsbury set on the one hand and the somewhat deadly idealistic communitarian cultural theory of Leavis. Both thinkers represent all that was dreary in those intellectuals who pontificated from high on what was appropriate and what was not. The irony of contemporary criticism of the Victorians is that many of their critics never broke free of the same fundamentalist judgmentalism.
Harris' reading, however, of Virginia Woolf is particularly interesting because she gives good cause to see her as symbolic of the flow from urban formalism to a more nuanced position. There is further work to be done perhaps on Woolf as psycho-geographer. Somehow, I found it hard to grasp what precisely Harris wanted to say about her but that may be my fault and not hers.
The more radical conservative aspects are also covered in pieces on T S Eliot and Rolf Gardiner and, though modernists who remained modernists tended to the left (albeit a somewhat authoritarian Left), you can see, without making it a rule, the shift into church and community over time of many other significant figures.
But why no mention of Eric Gill? Is it sheer embarrassment at what we know of his sexual proclivities? Yet it is hard not see him as central to the merging of modernist simplicity and Christianity, well in advance others. The silence is all the stranger when we consider the importance placed by Harris on the Midland Hotel in Morecombe and the fact that Spencer gets a mention.
There is also surprisingly limited coverage of the Inklings. They were meeting in and around Oxford precisely duruing the period in question and, though never modernists, they represented an essential bridge to Christian fantasy. Perhaps Tolkien might have been off topic but Charles Williams should not be - his account of a village play at the heart of Descent into Hell should have been grist to Harris' mill.
Perhaps we should not complain that there is no real wider context for the movement such as it was, no sense of how these shifts related to the rise of left-wing responses to European fascism, nor of how it might have been an attempt to construct a uniquely liberal English 'third way' a-political strategy of cultural withdrawal in the context of depression, war and, increasingly, death duties. The neo-romantic impulse, with added modernity, is the nostalgic love affair of the English middle class with a no-longer-threatening aristocracy.
Harris points out Waugh's evident and successful strategy of creating allies in the middle classes against socialism and it is true that, at this point in history, as across Europe, the middle classes were coming to prefer the now weakened conservative devil they knew to the devil of world-changing working class and urban organisation. While one part of British middle class culture was becoming deeply engaged in 'issues' and becoming earnest (Orwell being a good example), this other element was slipping into a sort of anti-decadent 'art for nearly art's sake' (in which religious and rural themes gave meaning as subjects).
This is the turn when old Liberal England (whose political death was quite sudden), which had thought itself the permanent sole rival to conservative England with the organised working classes well in hand, started to realise that the game had changed. Progressive Fabians might have stuck with their alliance with the rising trades unions but most middle class people soon felt threatened by state corporatism. The liberal-minded doctor might have come to be suspicious of the plans for a National Health Service.
A shift from modernism to neo-romanticism in aesthetic terms is precisely that political shift from traditional conservatism towards modern conservatism that was articulated by Stanley Baldwin (PM thre times until 1937) and which now provides the basis for the last gasp of old Etonian leadership in Johnson, Osborne and Cameron today.
Those on the Left are often puzzled that three Old Etonians straight out of Waugh are running one of the two great parties of state (much as Tories are puzzled that two brothers can be rivals in an apparently anti-aristocratic party of the Left!) The fact that it scarcely matters to half of the English is partly explained by this book.
Our Old Etonians are simply reversals of the Disraeli deal - that is, where once the aristocrats hired a middle class guy and gave him a mini-version of their own large country houses, the conservative middle classes hire Old Etonians as ersatz aristocrats to deliver their otherwise broadly liberal prejudices along conservative lines.
A final word of praise for Thames & Hudson. The illustrations are not only apposite and beautifully printed but, in nearly every case, actually relate directly to their references in the text, minimising that bug bear of non-fiction reading - having to abandon the page to go and rummage through a block of illustrations elsewhere.
All in all, an entertaining and well written book which is recommended for anyone interested in English cultural history.