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Defending Identity
Who is better prepared to confront challenges and defend principles in a volatile modern world? Those with strong national, religious, ethnic, or tribal identities who accept democracy, or democrats who renounce identity as a kind of divisive prejudice?
Natan Sharansky, building on his personal experience as a dissident, argues that valueless cosmopolitanism, even in democracies, is dangerous. Better to have hostile identities framed by democracy than democrats indifferent to identity.
In a vigorous, insightful challenge to the left and right alike, Natan Sharansky, as he has proved repeatedly, is at the leading edge of the issues that frame our times.
Natan Sharansky, building on his personal experience as a dissident, argues that valueless cosmopolitanism, even in democracies, is dangerous. Better to have hostile identities framed by democracy than democrats indifferent to identity.
In a vigorous, insightful challenge to the left and right alike, Natan Sharansky, as he has proved repeatedly, is at the leading edge of the issues that frame our times.
304 pages, Hardcover
First published April 1, 2008
13 people are currently reading
159 people want to read
About the author
Natan Sharansky
17 books45 followersAnatoly Borisovich Shcharansky (later Natan Sharanky) was born in Stalino, Soviet Union on January 20, 1948 to a Jewish family. He graduated with a degree in applied mathematics from Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology. As a child, he was a chess prodigy. He performed in simultaneous and blindfold displays, usually against adults. At the age of 15, he won the championship in his native Donetsk. When incarcerated in solitary confinement, he claims to have played chess against himself in his mind. Sharansky beat the world chess champion Garry Kasparov in a simultaneous exhibition in Israel in 1996.
Natan Sharansky is married to Avital Sharansky, with whom he has two daughters, Rachel and Hannah. In the Soviet Union, his marriage application to Avital was denied by the authorities.[citation needed] They were married in a Moscow synagogue in a ceremony not recognized by the government. Sharansky lives in Jerusalem. (from Wikipedia)
Natan Sharansky is married to Avital Sharansky, with whom he has two daughters, Rachel and Hannah. In the Soviet Union, his marriage application to Avital was denied by the authorities.[citation needed] They were married in a Moscow synagogue in a ceremony not recognized by the government. Sharansky lives in Jerusalem. (from Wikipedia)
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July 14, 2008
Defending Identity by Natan Sharansky
John Lennon, a fool believed by far too many, one wrote the words:
“Imagine there's no countries
It isn't hard to do
Nothing to kill or die for
And no religion too
Imagine all the people
Living life in peace
You may say that I'm a dreamer
But I'm not the only one
I hope someday you'll join us
And the world will be as one “
In his plea for one world dominated by a socialist monster similar to that which dwelt in the Soviet Union, Lennon's fantasy utopia was a living hell for millions of people. Countless people crushed by the Utopian visions of their neighbors to root out all differences, whether it be religions, economic or philosophical seemed to not bother Lennon nor does it bother the vapid fans that endlessly name this song as their favorite.
Natan Sharansky is a survivor of that world, identity and differences were the tools that enabled him to live in the Orwellian world of the Soviets. Sharansky was an active force in the Jewish immigration movement that eventually helped cause the internal decay of the Soviet Union that allowed Reagan and Thatcher to gibe the evil empire a dying kick. As a human rights activist, he helped other identity groups to organize and gain freedom as well. Ukrainians,, the Lithuanians and Georgians, the Catholics, Pentecostals, Crimean Tatars and others eventually joined the movement for freedom. It was the power of identity that kept these groups together and allowed them the support unit to continue in their bleakest moments.
Those bleak moments are spreading to Israel, as the nation has embraced post-Zionist, post-nationalism liberalism as the main belief. Defending Identity is Sharansky's plea for the world to wake up to the harms of destroying our selves to capture Utopia. Written with humor, wit and vast intelligence, this book should shake you to to your core. Why are we rushing to eliminate our people-hood, and believe me, it is not just Israel that is experiencing this problem. In the United States, there are people that do not see the need for English as a common language, do not see the reasoning behind limiting the vote to non-felon legal citizens, do not see the need for border security nor do they even believe in the traditional melting-pot theory of the United States. Far too many people wish to emulate a dying Europe and refuse to see the need for the United States. The same is of course true throughout the world, whether it is the people in South Korea that want to unite under their Northern Brothers who live in a Concentration camp, those in the Republic of China that want to join Red-China under marshal law, those in Israel that want peace at the ultimate cost, all of these people are losing their identities.
The lose of identity will proceed the loss of freedom. In Israel, as the nation is fighting a war for existence, there are those in leadership willing to sacrifice anything to appease the enemy at their door. Whether it be Barack offering all of Jerusalem, or Olmert offering all of Judea and Samaria, or Education ministers that wish to ignore the holocaust because it may lead to nationalistic stirrings in the youth, Sharansky's book should be required reading. This is a book that all should read, as was his books The Case for Democracy and Fear No Evil. Sharansky is a master at the craft of political writing and the warmth and humor found in his books help to dull the pain that he uncovers.This is a book that all should read, as was his books The Case for Democracy and Fear No Evil. Sharansky is a master at the craft of political writing and the warmth and humor found in his books help to dull the pain that he uncovers.
John Lennon, a fool believed by far too many, one wrote the words:
“Imagine there's no countries
It isn't hard to do
Nothing to kill or die for
And no religion too
Imagine all the people
Living life in peace
You may say that I'm a dreamer
But I'm not the only one
I hope someday you'll join us
And the world will be as one “
In his plea for one world dominated by a socialist monster similar to that which dwelt in the Soviet Union, Lennon's fantasy utopia was a living hell for millions of people. Countless people crushed by the Utopian visions of their neighbors to root out all differences, whether it be religions, economic or philosophical seemed to not bother Lennon nor does it bother the vapid fans that endlessly name this song as their favorite.
Natan Sharansky is a survivor of that world, identity and differences were the tools that enabled him to live in the Orwellian world of the Soviets. Sharansky was an active force in the Jewish immigration movement that eventually helped cause the internal decay of the Soviet Union that allowed Reagan and Thatcher to gibe the evil empire a dying kick. As a human rights activist, he helped other identity groups to organize and gain freedom as well. Ukrainians,, the Lithuanians and Georgians, the Catholics, Pentecostals, Crimean Tatars and others eventually joined the movement for freedom. It was the power of identity that kept these groups together and allowed them the support unit to continue in their bleakest moments.
Those bleak moments are spreading to Israel, as the nation has embraced post-Zionist, post-nationalism liberalism as the main belief. Defending Identity is Sharansky's plea for the world to wake up to the harms of destroying our selves to capture Utopia. Written with humor, wit and vast intelligence, this book should shake you to to your core. Why are we rushing to eliminate our people-hood, and believe me, it is not just Israel that is experiencing this problem. In the United States, there are people that do not see the need for English as a common language, do not see the reasoning behind limiting the vote to non-felon legal citizens, do not see the need for border security nor do they even believe in the traditional melting-pot theory of the United States. Far too many people wish to emulate a dying Europe and refuse to see the need for the United States. The same is of course true throughout the world, whether it is the people in South Korea that want to unite under their Northern Brothers who live in a Concentration camp, those in the Republic of China that want to join Red-China under marshal law, those in Israel that want peace at the ultimate cost, all of these people are losing their identities.
The lose of identity will proceed the loss of freedom. In Israel, as the nation is fighting a war for existence, there are those in leadership willing to sacrifice anything to appease the enemy at their door. Whether it be Barack offering all of Jerusalem, or Olmert offering all of Judea and Samaria, or Education ministers that wish to ignore the holocaust because it may lead to nationalistic stirrings in the youth, Sharansky's book should be required reading. This is a book that all should read, as was his books The Case for Democracy and Fear No Evil. Sharansky is a master at the craft of political writing and the warmth and humor found in his books help to dull the pain that he uncovers.This is a book that all should read, as was his books The Case for Democracy and Fear No Evil. Sharansky is a master at the craft of political writing and the warmth and humor found in his books help to dull the pain that he uncovers.
July 17, 2012
Definitely one of my personal top 100 books, and I think one of the most important books of the decade. Natan Sharansky alerts us to the urgency of a strong national identity for survival. Without this, we will be absorbed by an agency with stronger identity.
For example, the eruption of political Islam around the world succeeds to the extent that it is advancing a strong sense of identity. This aggressive assurance easily overcomes Western equivocation, despite otherwise superior wealth and arms.
A fact I learned recently that reinforces Sharansky on the point of successive resistance to political Islam is the story put forth in PEPIN'S BASTARD: THE STORY OF CHARLES MARTEL. The ruling class of Europe was ready to make terms with the army of the Umayyad Caliphate. Much like the Biblical bastard Jephthah (Judges 11), the invasion was resisted by the bastard son of Pepin de Gros.
Sharansky first learned the primacy of a sense of identity to survival as a prisoner in Russia under interrogation. He disappointed himself when he failed to withstand the intimidation. As a well-educated young man, he expected more of himself. He puzzled over the inner resilience of commoners who held up under the same pressures. This was his introduction to identity, and his turn from secular rationalism to his Jewish roots.
Following two world wars, the world perceived nationalism as a root cause. Sharansky advocates the opposite -- healthy nationalism in a free world community.
For example, the eruption of political Islam around the world succeeds to the extent that it is advancing a strong sense of identity. This aggressive assurance easily overcomes Western equivocation, despite otherwise superior wealth and arms.
A fact I learned recently that reinforces Sharansky on the point of successive resistance to political Islam is the story put forth in PEPIN'S BASTARD: THE STORY OF CHARLES MARTEL. The ruling class of Europe was ready to make terms with the army of the Umayyad Caliphate. Much like the Biblical bastard Jephthah (Judges 11), the invasion was resisted by the bastard son of Pepin de Gros.
Sharansky first learned the primacy of a sense of identity to survival as a prisoner in Russia under interrogation. He disappointed himself when he failed to withstand the intimidation. As a well-educated young man, he expected more of himself. He puzzled over the inner resilience of commoners who held up under the same pressures. This was his introduction to identity, and his turn from secular rationalism to his Jewish roots.
Following two world wars, the world perceived nationalism as a root cause. Sharansky advocates the opposite -- healthy nationalism in a free world community.
March 1, 2011
An amazing story from a man who lived under Stalin's Soviet Union and spent 9 years in its gulag. Sharanski was a bit repetitive throughout the book, but I felt like he was hammering home some very important points about a world gone wrong, a world that is so in love with a leftist "peace-at-all-odds" ideology that it is willing to destroy the culture and true diversity of the world's people, especially those of white, Christian or Jewish descent. All this in a misguided attempt to obliterate differences, ostensibly to achieve "peace." Unfortunately, it is our differences, our histories, our strong identities - things worth fighting for that make us stronger, that keeps extremists at bay.
There was so much history within Sharanky's well defended thesis on identity and democracy, for that alone, it was worth the read. Nevertheless, I found so many quotable passages and points that really made me reconsider my own feelings about hyphenated identities.
"Democracy and identity have no problem co-existing when both are strong. We need not choose between them. Only when one or both are weak is there a threat to peace. The ideal offered by the champions of post-identity of a world without difference is a fals...e one. It is false not only because it will never happen, it is false because the vision it champions is in fact a nightmare. A world without differences is a world that denies people their deepest attachments to history and to the future, to memory and to inheritance. It denies them the things that give life its most profound meaning. "
"A world without differences is a world that denies people their deepest attachments to history and to the future, to memory and to inheritance. It denies them the things that give life its most profound meaning. "
"But a society without a strong identity is also a society imperiled. The free world's shield against its enemies is its own identity, vigorously asserted and framed by a commitment to a democratic life. Not all cultures are the same. Not all values are equivalent. The right to live a unique way of life is a right worth fighting for and if necessary worth dying for."
"United, freedom and identity cannot be defeated. By reconciling these two powerful forces and strengthening this indispensable alliance, we can fill our lives with purpose and advance the cause of peace (but without identity, freedom give...s way to totalitarianism and violence)."
"Democracies that are ready to compromise identity (transnationalism) for the sake of peace not only weaken their inner strength but encourage in totalitarian forces around them the belief that they can overcome societies that have cut off their roots have disconnected themselves from their histories, and are prepared to watch their values and the qualities that give their lives meaning wither and die."
"From Geothe in Faust: Only those who every day fight for life and freedom deserve it. Goethe links life directly with freedom- it is as if the two were part of a single entity...Freedom, not peace, liberates life. Every person, group, community, and nation can formulate for themselves the values that give life meaning, the values for which they are ready to fight and if necessary die, the things for which they are even willing to sacrifice peace."
There was so much history within Sharanky's well defended thesis on identity and democracy, for that alone, it was worth the read. Nevertheless, I found so many quotable passages and points that really made me reconsider my own feelings about hyphenated identities.
"Democracy and identity have no problem co-existing when both are strong. We need not choose between them. Only when one or both are weak is there a threat to peace. The ideal offered by the champions of post-identity of a world without difference is a fals...e one. It is false not only because it will never happen, it is false because the vision it champions is in fact a nightmare. A world without differences is a world that denies people their deepest attachments to history and to the future, to memory and to inheritance. It denies them the things that give life its most profound meaning. "
"A world without differences is a world that denies people their deepest attachments to history and to the future, to memory and to inheritance. It denies them the things that give life its most profound meaning. "
"But a society without a strong identity is also a society imperiled. The free world's shield against its enemies is its own identity, vigorously asserted and framed by a commitment to a democratic life. Not all cultures are the same. Not all values are equivalent. The right to live a unique way of life is a right worth fighting for and if necessary worth dying for."
"United, freedom and identity cannot be defeated. By reconciling these two powerful forces and strengthening this indispensable alliance, we can fill our lives with purpose and advance the cause of peace (but without identity, freedom give...s way to totalitarianism and violence)."
"Democracies that are ready to compromise identity (transnationalism) for the sake of peace not only weaken their inner strength but encourage in totalitarian forces around them the belief that they can overcome societies that have cut off their roots have disconnected themselves from their histories, and are prepared to watch their values and the qualities that give their lives meaning wither and die."
"From Geothe in Faust: Only those who every day fight for life and freedom deserve it. Goethe links life directly with freedom- it is as if the two were part of a single entity...Freedom, not peace, liberates life. Every person, group, community, and nation can formulate for themselves the values that give life meaning, the values for which they are ready to fight and if necessary die, the things for which they are even willing to sacrifice peace."
September 14, 2016
Sharansky’s thesis is that:
He prefers the mosaic approach to national subcultures rather than the melting pot, “strengthening hyphenation, not erasing it… To erase these particulars is to erase culture itself.”
For example, he comes out unequivocally against laws against showing identity in public, such banning headscarves in France to suppress Muslim oppression of women. He sees this, first, as no different from banning other religious expression, such as Jewish headgear. But also, and more importantly, he believes that these superficial laws are used specifically by the state to avoid having to address real issues of oppression, such as honor killings, mutilation of females, and forced marriage.
Similarly, he praises the tendency of Americans to label themselves as hyphenated Americans: Italian-Americans, Irish-Americans, and African-Americans. This diversity of thought, when combined with a commitment to freedom, is, he sees, one of the strengths of the American social system.
He also supports patriotism among democratic countries. People need to have something to believe in, and if they don’t get it by believing in their own democracy, they’ll find it by believing in something undemocratic.
…the best defense of the free world will come from those who cherish a unique way of life, for they will always have a life truly worth defending.
He prefers the mosaic approach to national subcultures rather than the melting pot, “strengthening hyphenation, not erasing it… To erase these particulars is to erase culture itself.”
For example, he comes out unequivocally against laws against showing identity in public, such banning headscarves in France to suppress Muslim oppression of women. He sees this, first, as no different from banning other religious expression, such as Jewish headgear. But also, and more importantly, he believes that these superficial laws are used specifically by the state to avoid having to address real issues of oppression, such as honor killings, mutilation of females, and forced marriage.
Similarly, he praises the tendency of Americans to label themselves as hyphenated Americans: Italian-Americans, Irish-Americans, and African-Americans. This diversity of thought, when combined with a commitment to freedom, is, he sees, one of the strengths of the American social system.
He also supports patriotism among democratic countries. People need to have something to believe in, and if they don’t get it by believing in their own democracy, they’ll find it by believing in something undemocratic.
Democracy asserts the value of freedom; identity gives a reason for freedom… At stake is not only what your life is like but what your life is for… Without identity, a democracy becomes incapable of defending even the values it holds most dear.
October 5, 2010
Certainly a thought-provoking book. I'll admit I came to it with a great deal of skepticism since it is one of the only books George W. Bush has not only read but recommended to his staff (given copies, even). The filter I heard it through was definitely on guard.
I'll blog about it, I think, since there were so many issues of interest to me. Frankly, I think his view of the world being so anti-identity isn't accurate. I don't know the world, obviously, but I found his definition of identity to be problematic. He said that people were either pro-identity or pro-democracy and rarely both but that both were required to have the other. I agree that both are required, but I disagree that identity must necessarily have the kind of historical roots he said were required.
Anyway, it was worth reading/listening to but it brought up more questions for me than it did answers. That's part of what made it a good read, though.
I'll blog about it, I think, since there were so many issues of interest to me. Frankly, I think his view of the world being so anti-identity isn't accurate. I don't know the world, obviously, but I found his definition of identity to be problematic. He said that people were either pro-identity or pro-democracy and rarely both but that both were required to have the other. I agree that both are required, but I disagree that identity must necessarily have the kind of historical roots he said were required.
Anyway, it was worth reading/listening to but it brought up more questions for me than it did answers. That's part of what made it a good read, though.
August 3, 2008
As a library student I assumed this book was about privacy rights and the defense of individual identity. Nope, this instead is a fascinating examination of how individual freedom and group identity (such as religion) interact. Sharansky argues that instead of opposing forces, that personal freedom and social identity strengthen each other.
His arguments had me questioning many of my comfortable leftist views. That is not to say that Sharansky is simply to the right of me, but that he has views that seem to have come from a mind who has broken down and questioned every belief he holds.
I don't agree with all of his conclusions, but I always appreciate a prod out of my comfort zone. A challenging read.
His arguments had me questioning many of my comfortable leftist views. That is not to say that Sharansky is simply to the right of me, but that he has views that seem to have come from a mind who has broken down and questioned every belief he holds.
I don't agree with all of his conclusions, but I always appreciate a prod out of my comfort zone. A challenging read.
April 15, 2010
I always love a good Arab/Israeli controversy--especially when the Israeli arguments are so solid and fundamental.
It's a good book that gives a different perspective of multiculturalism; not the progressive left's brand of blind cultural tolerance, but of what can be more accuratly called pluralism. It's a respect for identity and culture that acknowledges shared values and shuns cultural relativism, which condemns open free societies of minor legal infringments while accepting major human rights abuses by closed totalitarian societies.
It's a good book that gives a different perspective of multiculturalism; not the progressive left's brand of blind cultural tolerance, but of what can be more accuratly called pluralism. It's a respect for identity and culture that acknowledges shared values and shuns cultural relativism, which condemns open free societies of minor legal infringments while accepting major human rights abuses by closed totalitarian societies.
January 23, 2014
What is the difference between celebrating diversity and maintaining one's own identity? What is the relationship between democracy and a strong national identity? Natan Sharansky's is the voice of experience, having been raised in the Soviet Union. He eloquently tackles these subjects. He shares his inspired insight into the Arab/Israeli conflict. This book should be widely circulated and taken to heart. The leaders of this world need to know what is in this book!
December 11, 2018
It is an interesting point of view, but a couple of issues strikes me.
Firstly, the author seems to neglect the economic aspect of life. He is totally immersed in the world of very honorable (or very harmful) intangible ideas. But the world doesn't work this way to me. Even strikes in Poland in 70, 80's against communistic regime that deprived people of freedom were triggered by e.g. meat price increases. So national identities (language, culture, even religion) are important, but only secondary to basic material needs and sometimes... also to pure greed. On the other hand, freedom could be regained by sole economic development, e.g. that's the case of Russia breaking out of Mongol Empire's ruling.
Secondly, the fact that in a Soviet camp strongly patriotic prisoners were the most reliable "brothers in arms" doesn't say much. Temporary union of very extreme or even hostile groups against common enemy doesn't prove that they are able to coexist peacefully after the external threat is removed.
Another problem is that the further you read, the more the author focuses on Palestinian-Israeli conflict instead of formulating some universal and helpful conclusions.
Overall, a very good discussion igniter, but author's arguments haven't convinced me so far.
Firstly, the author seems to neglect the economic aspect of life. He is totally immersed in the world of very honorable (or very harmful) intangible ideas. But the world doesn't work this way to me. Even strikes in Poland in 70, 80's against communistic regime that deprived people of freedom were triggered by e.g. meat price increases. So national identities (language, culture, even religion) are important, but only secondary to basic material needs and sometimes... also to pure greed. On the other hand, freedom could be regained by sole economic development, e.g. that's the case of Russia breaking out of Mongol Empire's ruling.
Secondly, the fact that in a Soviet camp strongly patriotic prisoners were the most reliable "brothers in arms" doesn't say much. Temporary union of very extreme or even hostile groups against common enemy doesn't prove that they are able to coexist peacefully after the external threat is removed.
Another problem is that the further you read, the more the author focuses on Palestinian-Israeli conflict instead of formulating some universal and helpful conclusions.
Overall, a very good discussion igniter, but author's arguments haven't convinced me so far.
May 11, 2019
Very important book, no matter what your "identity" is, be it Jew, Christian or Moslem. Sharansky shows the importance of a strong identity combined with democratic traditons. He then goes on to show the fallacy of the "doublethink" concepts of post-identity and post-nationalism and how it has contributed to the downfall of European society. Written in 2008, his ideas are even truer today as I write this in 2019. My only quibble is that Sharansky seems to the laud the U.S. as a bastion of democracy and tolderance. Unfortunately, the U.S.has the U.S. has only become less tolerant over the intervening years.
June 4, 2025
A fascinating, and timely, must-read! I found this thought-provoking book challenged some of my personal ideas and expanded other ideas to a broader and deeper understanding. I found myself devouring chunks at a time and then pondering for a few days before continuing on. At times he was repetitive in reinforcing his points over and again throughout the book.
The author made a very strong case for the need to protect personal identity in conjunction with democracy in a nation. And that either one, without the other, is weak and will not provide the same lasting benefits as when they are intricately linked and equally protected. I think this illustrates, without saying so, why a Democratic Republic is ideal... because the personal identity of minorities has better governmental representation than a straight democracy.
Plus... interesting stories about being interrogated by the KBG and time spent in the Gulag! 😆
The author made a very strong case for the need to protect personal identity in conjunction with democracy in a nation. And that either one, without the other, is weak and will not provide the same lasting benefits as when they are intricately linked and equally protected. I think this illustrates, without saying so, why a Democratic Republic is ideal... because the personal identity of minorities has better governmental representation than a straight democracy.
Plus... interesting stories about being interrogated by the KBG and time spent in the Gulag! 😆
July 15, 2020
A seminal book in 21st century political philosophy written by a survivor of the Gulag and participant in contemporary Israeli political advocacy. Look for a longer review on my website--petergpollak.com. Sharansky deserves to be placed in the pantheon of Ghandi, Mandela and Dr. King.
November 7, 2020
Very important message of the interdependence and importance of Identity and Democracy. A bit redundant in places. The vignettes as illustrations of his point(s) are incredible.
February 9, 2014
"Identity without democracy can become fundamentalist and totalitarian. Democracy without identity can become superficial and meaningless." Spain is one of those countries that has lost both. We're practically inviting our Islamist north-African neighbors to come take over. A Balcanized peninsula in the making.
But this essay by a former political prisoner of the Soviet gulag, and reborn Jewish Israeli is an eye opener to all the world who has not lost its senses yet, in common-sense, plain language.
A good advice on how to break the cycle of relativism and cultural decadence in the West: the fear of God. Sharansky describes this fear in a way I had never been able to describe myself, and beautifully. You don't have to be a believer to understand it at all. He explains how he became aware of this fear (which, as you should know from the bible, is the beginning of knowledge).
Countries with strong identities (supposing they are also strong democracies) are good "not because of their particular identities but because of their strong identities, because they each had things that were more important to them than their physical existence." Just as a Christian man can find in another Christian from across the world a brother.
The author's experience in political prison camps in Russia taught him that "those with the strongest identities were the least likely to succumb to tyranny, those who retained a sense of the value of history, of tradition, of community, those who saw a purpose in life beyond life itself proved the ultimate bulwark against Soviet evil." Then comes a description of what Lenin himself called those "useful idiots" in the West, like H.G.Wells or G.B.Shaw, who played into the hands of totalitarian communism. The story I didn't know and that really terrified me was that of American singer Paul Robeson, worth the purchase of the book alone.
Why isn't multiculturalism both ways? "Multiculturalists call on European societies to weaken their own national uniqueness ... in the name of peace, equality and justice; groups without democratic experience or traditions have flooded into Europe. And these groups do not have the slightest qualms about the supremacy of their identities."
Sharansky's book is not only a description of the decayed state of European societies, to the point of social suicide, it also brings in hope, a spirit of challenge and encouragement: we are still in time to change the tide.
"The hypocrisy of double standards of the international human rights organizations ... its refusal to distinguish democratic from nondemocratic regimes ... becomes a tool of undemocratic powers."
"In such a world the enemies of democracy have a great advantage. They are prepared to fight and die for their twisted beliefs. Identity is the only force that will give us the strength to resist and ultimately to defeat them." This book tells you basically why Israel and the USA -as long as it stands up for Israel- are to be strongly supported by freedom loving democratic countries all over the globe.
But this essay by a former political prisoner of the Soviet gulag, and reborn Jewish Israeli is an eye opener to all the world who has not lost its senses yet, in common-sense, plain language.
A good advice on how to break the cycle of relativism and cultural decadence in the West: the fear of God. Sharansky describes this fear in a way I had never been able to describe myself, and beautifully. You don't have to be a believer to understand it at all. He explains how he became aware of this fear (which, as you should know from the bible, is the beginning of knowledge).
Countries with strong identities (supposing they are also strong democracies) are good "not because of their particular identities but because of their strong identities, because they each had things that were more important to them than their physical existence." Just as a Christian man can find in another Christian from across the world a brother.
The author's experience in political prison camps in Russia taught him that "those with the strongest identities were the least likely to succumb to tyranny, those who retained a sense of the value of history, of tradition, of community, those who saw a purpose in life beyond life itself proved the ultimate bulwark against Soviet evil." Then comes a description of what Lenin himself called those "useful idiots" in the West, like H.G.Wells or G.B.Shaw, who played into the hands of totalitarian communism. The story I didn't know and that really terrified me was that of American singer Paul Robeson, worth the purchase of the book alone.
Why isn't multiculturalism both ways? "Multiculturalists call on European societies to weaken their own national uniqueness ... in the name of peace, equality and justice; groups without democratic experience or traditions have flooded into Europe. And these groups do not have the slightest qualms about the supremacy of their identities."
Sharansky's book is not only a description of the decayed state of European societies, to the point of social suicide, it also brings in hope, a spirit of challenge and encouragement: we are still in time to change the tide.
"The hypocrisy of double standards of the international human rights organizations ... its refusal to distinguish democratic from nondemocratic regimes ... becomes a tool of undemocratic powers."
"In such a world the enemies of democracy have a great advantage. They are prepared to fight and die for their twisted beliefs. Identity is the only force that will give us the strength to resist and ultimately to defeat them." This book tells you basically why Israel and the USA -as long as it stands up for Israel- are to be strongly supported by freedom loving democratic countries all over the globe.
January 7, 2017
Convincing position and well thought out!
The first half of the book covers the period while he was a prisoner of conscience in the Soviet Union. he State sought to control the people by suppressing diversity. The pressure inside the prisons to give in to the interogators was, in his view, only countered by a strong sense of identity. Sharanksy came to the point of view that the essence of the dissident movement was in a common desire to respect and encourage distinct identities rather than be sublimated by the State. He describes forging alliances between different groups such as Pentecostals, Latvian Nationalist and Zionists based on respect for each other's identities. He also has kind words for the firmness and support of the cause of freedom by President Ronald Reagan.
Of note, Sharansky relates that when he was released the guards told him that he had to leave immediately and in his prison clothes. He refused saying he would only leave in a dignified fashion in normal street clothes - a move copied by the terrorist Samir Kuntar when he was released from an Israeli prison.
The second half of the book covers the period in Israel when Sharansky was in government and twice resigned from a ministerial position. Here too the importance of identity is covered where he sees that Arafat and the Palestinians actively sought to attack Israel's Jewish identity by not only demanding the temple mount but by denying (against all historical evidence) that the 1st and 2nd Temple were in Jerusalem.
I cannot help but feel that this book was heavily influenced by the essay by Ze'ev Maghen, "Imagine: On Love and Lennon" in the book New Essays on Zionism published last year in which Sharansky was also published. Like Maghen, Sharansky picks on the seductive words of Lennon's "Imagine" and its picturing of a world without identity, but also without anything to live for as well. (Love the song, but Lennon's dystopia is now somewhat unnerving.)
Originally I was going to give the book a 5 star rating - but I was so impressed that I ran out and read his previous book The Case for Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror - which was even better.
On the political side Sharansky is definitely a man to watch and listen to, especially given the leadership contest that has begun in Israel. It is possibly that he has permanently moved on from politician to pundit, but it is also possibly that he may be pulled in once more into a ministerial role, with an outside possibility of something higher.
The first half of the book covers the period while he was a prisoner of conscience in the Soviet Union. he State sought to control the people by suppressing diversity. The pressure inside the prisons to give in to the interogators was, in his view, only countered by a strong sense of identity. Sharanksy came to the point of view that the essence of the dissident movement was in a common desire to respect and encourage distinct identities rather than be sublimated by the State. He describes forging alliances between different groups such as Pentecostals, Latvian Nationalist and Zionists based on respect for each other's identities. He also has kind words for the firmness and support of the cause of freedom by President Ronald Reagan.
Of note, Sharansky relates that when he was released the guards told him that he had to leave immediately and in his prison clothes. He refused saying he would only leave in a dignified fashion in normal street clothes - a move copied by the terrorist Samir Kuntar when he was released from an Israeli prison.
The second half of the book covers the period in Israel when Sharansky was in government and twice resigned from a ministerial position. Here too the importance of identity is covered where he sees that Arafat and the Palestinians actively sought to attack Israel's Jewish identity by not only demanding the temple mount but by denying (against all historical evidence) that the 1st and 2nd Temple were in Jerusalem.
I cannot help but feel that this book was heavily influenced by the essay by Ze'ev Maghen, "Imagine: On Love and Lennon" in the book New Essays on Zionism published last year in which Sharansky was also published. Like Maghen, Sharansky picks on the seductive words of Lennon's "Imagine" and its picturing of a world without identity, but also without anything to live for as well. (Love the song, but Lennon's dystopia is now somewhat unnerving.)
Originally I was going to give the book a 5 star rating - but I was so impressed that I ran out and read his previous book The Case for Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror - which was even better.
On the political side Sharansky is definitely a man to watch and listen to, especially given the leadership contest that has begun in Israel. It is possibly that he has permanently moved on from politician to pundit, but it is also possibly that he may be pulled in once more into a ministerial role, with an outside possibility of something higher.
June 16, 2013
Perhaps it's because this is the third of Sharansky's books I've read inside of a year but they all seem to bleed into one another. I respect what the man endured and I'm sure he had a story to tell but by this book it becomes redundant- we don't want to hear you go on about the things you formerly said! If you've got a new idea then share it. Also I find it interesting that his market group is English speakers, English speaking Jews, try getting other Jewish Russians to read your books here in Israel and get some national identity and then we might have something to talk about.
July 7, 2015
Sharansky's is a voice of moral clarity; his exposition of the critical importance of both democracy and identity (personal, communal and national) and their relationship is indispensible to understanding what has driven the ideology that creates a worldview. It is one of the most significant books I have read.
October 22, 2013
Sharansky has been a pillar of Zionist advocacy ever since he discovered that the Soviets wanted to crush his identity. He has led a principled fight for the human right to pursue the identity of your choice. This perspective drove him to tie Soviet Jewry and Zionism to democratic freedom.
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