This is a well-researched, well-written, and timely book on the subject of exclusionary zoning. Kahlenburg is an experienced academic and does a good job of combining sociological research, ethical arguments, and policy suggestions. He also contextualizes his work with other researchers who have written on the same topics. This will be a rich and informative read, though probably more so for those already familiar with the subject matter.
My criticism of the book is that Kahlenburg tries to do too much and engages too many disparate arguments - he clearly has a highly nuanced perspective on exclusionary zoning, but sometimes his arguments become too convoluted or referential. A more thematically streamlined book may have been more accessible to a wider audience.
There are two major strains of discourse around zoning in the US, though they overlap heavily. 1) Exclusionary zoning: Zoning practices bare the legacy of racially exclusionary zoning which today expresses itself in economic and class-based exclusionary zoning. This is an issue of civil rights, equality, and social justice. 2) Zoning in the US is an inefficient, broken, system which restricts land use types and discourages mixed-use development. This drives up home prices, creates inefficient land use and poor urban form. This discourse is common in urban planning as well as economic development circles.
Now, of course, these points are both true and are deeply interconnected. Kahlenberg attempts to speak to both, but does a far, far, better job of arguing the first point. Kahlenberg comes from a background of research in liberal political organizing, with a special focus on education reform. He does not have an urban planning or community development background, which perhaps gives him a more balanced perspective on the subject. However, many of his arguments feel overly grounded in partisan politics or policy. He also seems to be afraid of making any arguments that could make him come off as even slightly conservative. He is very forward about his own political leanings and engagement with the FDR-Kennedy-Civil Rights political tradition. All of these bolster his arguments for point 1) but fit awkwardly in his arguments for point 2). Often, it feels like Kahlenburg is preaching to his 'left-of-center' choir. I admire his commitment to his political convictions and tradition, but the overly partisan rhetoric in this book may turn off some readers trying to understand this topic.
On the topic of 1), one of the concepts that Kahlenburg most successfully argues for is economic integration, that economic and class-based exclusion is as detrimental as racial exclusion and ought to be treated with the same severity. In the final chapter of the book, he makes an excellent policy argument for an Economic Fair Housing Act, similar to the one passed in 1968, which focused on race. Banning exclusionary zoning would be a central part of this act. He also demonstrates how economic exclusionary zoning has preserved racism past the civil rights era. Really, however, exclusionary zoning is a single piece of economic and class exclusion within housing. I think if Kahlenburg had kept this book more focused on this area of argumentation, it would have felt less disorganized and more streamlined.
To return to 2), Kahlenburg often gets in his own way here. Is it surprising that exclusionary zoning is worse in large, liberal cities, with heavy regulation? Nope, not even slightly. Though Kahlenburg acts as if this should surprise us. Is it strange that zoning reform in Minneapolis and Oregon was appealing to both progressive liberals and free-market libertarians? I certainly don't think so. I say this because our zoning system is deeply broken and dysfunctional in ways that are obvious to people of many different ideologies. Just because a Kahlenberg-New Deal leftist and a free-market-Reaganite conservative agree on zoning reform doesn't mean it negates either of their individual political beliefs. Kahlenberg spends large passages of this book arguing for various types of political coalition-building, which is perfectly fine, but I think he misses the simple fact that this reform transcends partisanship and has wide appeal. I do acknowledge the need for coalition-building in passing legislation, but I feel that Kahlenberg misses a simpler answer. For a general reader simply trying to better understand zoning reform, this book may create more confusion rather than be informative.
I'd compare and contrast "Excluded" with "Evicted," by Matthew Desmond (the evocative title choice certainly seems to suggest we do the same.) "Evicted" brilliantly depicts the eviction crisis by telling individual stories which clearly demonstrate the harmful systems that are in place. However, besides a general policy overview in the epilogue, Desmond does not give us answers. He begs the reader, and, by extension, policymakers, to draw conclusions. Kahlenberg seems to show us the problem and give us the answer, and, specifically, his answer. Desmond is a sociologist and Kahlenberg is a policy researcher, so maybe each is emphasizing their own discipline. I just found Kahlenberg's tactics to isolate (dare I say, exclude) some of his potential audience in a way that Desmond did not.
Regardless of my criticisms, the integrity of scholarship in this book is clear. I have a professional background in urban studies and community development, and this is one of the most engaging works I've read in the past few years. Its specificity of subject matter is exciting, since many similar works are broader in scope or historical. As a professional who's work is impacted by exclusionary zoning, Kahlenberg gives me vital context and tools that I can use to make this change in my own city. And, admittedly, I am in the choir that Kahlenberg is preaching to. Perhaps I am a better audience for this book than the average reader, and maybe that's a failure of Kahlenberg's part. Regardless, this book is worth the read and the focus required, and is an important contribution to the ongoing conversation on zoning in this country.