Conceived in Liberty by Murray Rothbard is a massive effort at Libertarian revisionist history. There's something commendable about Rothbard's work here, as he laboriously details the history of the United States prior to and including the revolution from some of the earliest settlers. The author at several points between volumes stresses that a labored approach to history is needed because all of the summarized epitomes of history have squeezed out the real details of history, leaving behind the interpretations of scholars, academics, and ideologues who give you their interpretation over the real thing. Insofar as that was Rothbard's quest, this work is considerably well done. A length measured above 1600 in pages or over 80 hours in audio, regardless of which medium you take up - the one thing that Rothbard cannot be accused of is skimping on details.
But, unfortunately, there's where some issues start to prop up. Consider me bought and sold on the idea of a better history where the details aren't forced into an ideological generalization. Where there's something a bit off has to do with the presentation of a number of the facts that Rothbard presents, and with his own interpretation of them as they come along. The most overt of these is in connection to anything related to paper currency or centralized authority, but he has a number of bugbears which makes him an at best unreliable narrator of those events which conflict with his worldview. I understand the mission to rebuild history from the ground up, but Conceived in Liberty comes across as carefully curated facts to substantiate his mission. Or, in other words, there's a couple elements of propaganda here and there.
I've read much worse though. Apart from some groan inducing statements here and there, there is something rather interesting about how Rothbard approaches his history. Every volume has an element of revision to it, including his characterizations of the Great Awakening, Salutary Neglect and the Salem Witch Trials. This is something that bubbles in the background, but it becomes its most acute in the last volume. Washington is a petty bureaucratic tyrant jealous of his position, Franklin is a halfhearted revolutionary that betrayed it while in France, and there was a conservative effort to commandeer and control the revolution to establish despotism. Rothbard's also inordinately interested in praising guerilla warfare, which while largely correct, his approach is too simple and overall disregards British and American attempts at non-Guerilla warfare as a comedy of errors.
But the principal thing that Rothbard actually wants the reader to take away from this monumentally massive tome is that the American Revolution was not, under any circumstances, a conservative one. Rothbard divides Britain and America between Whigs and Tories, and then the Whigs in America into left-wing radical libertarians and conservatives and pseudo-aristocrats. He notes a continual tension between the later two groups, and heaps praise upon those figures that he believes are radical libertarians. Conservatives are allies, but ideologically opposed to the fundamental nature of the revolution and a force to be thwarted wherever possible. The revolution was radical and libertarian. Near contemporary efforts to engage in a more conservative revolution failed where tried, and more radical revolutions - such as those in France - ran into errors not because they were more radical, but because of the innate and entrenched powers of aristocrats, conservative bourgeoise, and clergy --- all who had a presence in the American revolution, but were much, much weaker compared to the radical contingent.
And from this you can hear the arguments Rothbard is inserting himself into. His first volumes were mostly against social history connected to Marxist Economic and Ideological histories. Self interest and ideology can coexist together without contradicting each other, he is prone to say. But this last volume has an overt shout out his ideological rival the neoconservatives. The conservatives who must be thwarted in the revolution are, one might presume without much effort on the reader's part, to be of the same lineage of conservatives guiding neoconservative thought. This book came out before their heyday during the War on Terror and their subsequent travails, but it appears like they were already in competition for the ideological heart of the Republican party and the then living conservative movement in America.
I'm not sure who this book will convince, but I imagine that all Libertarians suspicious of state power and in need of a guide to help them engage in ideological myth-busting will turn this into their reference of choice.
I just wish that the principal enterprise, that of a fuller history without the details removed, was done by an author less predisposed to interpolations that can feel rather suspicious if you interrogate sources and comments not mentioned in this book. Its just frankly too selective to receive high marks from me.
But that does leave me and others with a similar predisposition with the unenviable task of stitching together monstrous biographies, some nearly as long as this tome, and compiling a small library of other books, to try to make one out from their own imaginations.