A richly detailed, profoundly engrossing story of how religion has influenced American foreign relations, told through the stories of the men and women—from presidents to preachers—who have plotted the country’s course in the world.
Ever since John Winthrop argued that the Puritans’ new home would be “a city upon a hill,” Americans’ role in the world has been shaped by their belief that God has something special in mind for them. But this is a story that historians have mostly ignored. Now, in the first authoritative work on the subject, Andrew Preston explores the major strains of religious fervor—liberal and conservative, pacifist and militant, internationalist and isolationist—that framed American thinking on international issues from the earliest colonial wars to the twenty-first century. He arrives at some startling conclusions, among Abraham Lincoln’s use of religion in the Civil War became the model for subsequent wars of humanitarian intervention; nineteenth-century Protestant missionaries made up the first NGO to advance a global human rights agenda; religious liberty was the centerpiece of Franklin Roosevelt’s strategy to bring the United States into World War II.
From George Washington to George W. Bush, from the Puritans to the present, from the colonial wars to the Cold War, religion has been one of America’s most powerful sources of ideas about the wider world. When, just days after 9/11, George W. Bush described America as “a prayerful nation, a nation that prays to an almighty God for protection and for peace,” or when Barack Obama spoke of balancing the “just war and the imperatives of a just peace” in his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech, they were echoing four hundred years of religious rhetoric. Preston traces this echo back to its source.
Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith is an unprecedented no one has yet attempted such a bold synthesis of American history. It is also a remarkable work of balance and fair-mindedness about one of the most fraught subjects in America.
A pioneering study that is simultaneously rigorous and readable. I honestly don't know how AP was able to this much primary AND secondary source work, but the result is a rich argument that covers a crazy amount of ground. Preston starts with the argument that religion has been an under-examined subject in the history of US diplomatic relations in spite of the fact that religion is simply integral to all of US history whether you like religion or not. There are a few reasons behind this. Historians (like me) tend to be secular, liberal, and pretty skeptical of religion, making us more likely to discount it. Alternatively, historians are likely to view religion not as a motive of human behavior (esp that of elites) or thinking but as a sort of cover or justifying ideology for deeper material or strategic motives. That's often the case, but Preston shows the somewhat reflexive discounting of religion by historians in numerous cases.
Instead, Preston argues that we have to understand religion as a primary way that Americans have made sense of their nation's place in the world as well as a crucial language for uniting or dividing Americans (depending on context) in both politics and foreign affairs. He goes through pretty much all of U.S. history, although I actually found the earlier stuff more interesting even though I'm a 20th century historian. One of AP's key insights is that elements of USFP we assume to be secular are actually pretty deeply rooted in religion.
I'll give two examples of this: Christian republicanism and liberal internationalism. Republicanism is an important idea for understanding the American Revolution: it's an ideology of skepticism toward concentrated authority (church or king, for example), individual rights, constitutionalism that limits/divides power, as well as a spirit of self-sacrifice and virtue, almost a proto-nationalism. It has been hugely influential in U.S. history, but AP shows that it is significantly rooted in Protestantism, especially the kind of dissenting Protestants that settled much of North America. These Protestants were highly skeptical of concentrated power and of too much hierarchy in general because they believed there should be no intermediary (like a priest) btw God, the Bible, and the individual CHristian. They were far from being religious liberals, but they sort of set the groundwork for liberalism by delegitimizing authorities like crown and church. They were also committed to local self-governance, which again obviously set some groundwork for democracy. In foreign affairs, Christian republicanism built into the American mindset a sense of providentialism (that the US had a special mission in the world) and hostility to tyranny that has remained with us for a long time. Trying to understand these ideas without religion just doesn't work.
Next, Preston argues that liberal internationalism has deeply religious roots. Liberal Protestants emerged in the 19th century and by the early 20th century had become the dominant religious force in the United States, although they faded after WWII. They had a strongly universalistic sense of the faith and pioneered the global missionary movement. They believed that Christian faith demanded a web of obligation, service, and empathy which led them to A. built transnational networks B. become more and more anti-war over time. C. Question racism and other forms of narrow-mindedness D. desire to build global institutions that would bring about greater integration, exchange, and solidarity. Liberal Christians became major supporters of the League of Nations, the UN, humanitarianism, human rights, and other international institutionalist movements that are core aspects of liberal internationalism. While this approach to foreign affairs has become more secularized, again to understand its origins and development you have to look at religion.
My only criticism of this book is that occasionally you feel like you are reading rather familiar material. This is hard to avoid in a survey where a lot of the usual events/people/dates have to be covered to keep people up to date on the context and narrative flow. It's quite long, so it took me more than two weeks to read. It would honestly make a very good listen, as the writing is great and the history in it quite vivid. I'd love to talk to PReston to get a sense of how exactly he put this together; it's a remarkable, thorough, and admirably even handed study.
An extremely thorough and intelligent guided tour of the interplay between religion and American foreign policy. Preston examines how so many great thinkers and statesmen (and some not so great ones) have seen war and diplomacy through the lens of religion. He goes in-depth with the influence of Reinhold Niebuhr, which proved to be the most enjoyable segments of the book for me, and also touches on the speeches and writings of everyone from Martin Luther King, Jr. to Pat Buchanan. Sadly, Dorothy Day is just about the only woman to get any real play in this book. Ranging from the earliest days of the nation to the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks, it's a great historical read. One detraction is that its writing style is straightforward to the point of being truly colorless; the hundreds of pages do not exactly fly by, but the wealth of information contained therein makes what could be a dauntingly dry tome a worthwhile reading experience.
Andrew Preston has done an admirable job trying to interweave the history of American religion and American diplomacy. In the book he leaves little doubt that faith, particularly protestant faith, has at times served both to spur the United States into conflict and has also been a vocal voice of restraint and pacifism. For historians, religion tends to be something that they often overlook, in particular political and diplomatic historians tend to assign logical and realist causes to peoples actions. Preston's work is a welcome corrective, suggesting that if someone like President William McKinley says he is occupying the Philippines to Christianize it we should take such statements at face value. For Preston faith is not something that is simply a cloak for realpolitik but an important force in its own right.
Very detailed. A bit hard to work through, but the author expertly commands both a wealth of knowledge and clear, unified vision. To become a classic on the subject for sure.
Andrew Preston explores the concept of American exceptionalism read through a religious lens. Beginning with John Winthrop declaring that the Puritans’ American settlement would be “a city on a hill” in the 17th century, Americans’ role in the world has been shaped by their belief that God has something special in mind for them. There are liberal and conservative strains of religious fervor (also pacifist and militant, internationalist and isolationist). Religion has continually been one of the most powerful sources of ideas about the wider world. Preston’s "Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith: Religion in American War and Diplomacy" focuses an entire chapter on turn-of-the-century missionary work, in which he complicates the image of missionary work as a handmaiden of empire to include examples of missionaries who were the most vocal critics of imperial expansion. These missionaries noted the hypocrisy of calling an end to white supremacy at home but the spread of it abroad (19th century American abolitionist/imperialists in the North): “Or consider the role of missionaries, who were simultaneously some of the earliest advocates of universal human rights but also the practitioners of cultural imperialism. Yet whether they were missionaries, abolitionist, or imperialists, they all sincerely believed themselves to be motivated by the purest, most progressive of motives” (13).
Following are some other nuggets from the book that I found interesting:
“Humanitarian intervention and a renewed sense of American mission: it was around these ideas, incubated by the Civil War, that an ideology for American globalism formed” (175). There was consequently a new foreign policy for the US, in which it positioned itself as the savior of the world. There was a delayed start due to the country's preoccupation with Reconstruction, but then in 1877, many northern former abolitionists moved on to combat or propagate imperialism and internationalism depending on their diverse agendas. The period between 1877-1914 experienced explosive missionary growth: 16 missionaries societies in 1860 skyrocketed to 90+ by 1900. American Protestant missions viewed themselves as an international extension of the Social Gospel, itself a faith-based wing of Progressive movement (177). American missionary enterprise was not always a straightforward handmaiden of empire. Jon Mott described it as cultural exchange rather than imperialism (185). Mott declared: “I shall protect them with all my power.”
3 roles of Missionaries: (1) de facto foreign service—first introduction to American political, economic and religious values to peoples beyond Europe and Latin America. (2) world brought to America, mediated by missionaries—tutored American expats and elite policymakers about the wider world. (3) brokers of a global cultural exchange—progressive development—save the world in order to save America. “The missionary enterprise was therefore based on a paradox: it sought to spread enlightened ideas about tolerance and progress, even where such ideas were not welcome (191).
“…forms of informal imperialism, based on the notion of openness, access, and autonomy” (197).
Passages about Mormon missionaries:
U.S. Feds vs. Mormons: Edmunds Act 1882 banning polygamy. “Sixteen years later, a patriotic crusade in a foreign war offered Mormons the perfect opportunity to reconcile themselves with the federal government and their fellow Americans. [Some opposed but most leaders encouraged voluntary enlistment to free Cuba.] The Spanish-American War thus provided Mormons with an entry point into the American mainstream” (218).
In 1895 state diplomats in non-imperialist nations, such as France, Germany, Holland, Norway, and Denmark made an effort to reverse the imprisonment of Mormon missionaries even when they weren't breaking the law; the federal government thus attempted to extend religious liberty and protection of Mormonism into foreign countries following the Manifesto ending the practice of polygamy in 1890 (189).
As the author notes, the rest of the world ignore the influence of religion on US foreign policy at their peril. He presents a encyclopedic outline of the religious influence on foreign policy, the religious nature of the policy makers, etc. However, there are a number of difficulties for a reader -- the sheer volume, the differing time periods, the lack of cohesion and focus, and his inability to provide causation rather we are presented with correlation and coincidence. And more importantly he fails to look at other more relevant factors in the decision making process. He considers the Civil War a humanitarian impulse despite scholarship suggesting state's rights and the nature of the union were more important as a cause. He fails to address the empire building policies of the late 19th century rather he sees mission like impulses and "christian" duty. To demonstrate the relevance of religion he must first outline its existence (which he does well) and then demonstrate its priority over other factors (which he doesn't). In the Cold War, his idea and thesis is far stronger and it may be suggested that perhaps he might have limited his focus to post WWII policy.
I think a better case could have been made that class conflict has played a bigger role than religion in American diplomacy and history. Preston sticks to well known historical figures and the occasional religious leader. Apparently government leaders and religious leaders were responsible for ending the Vietnam War. No mention of prohibition and religions role in that colossal fucking waste of time and funds. Butterfield would be proud of his objectivity. Take a freakin' stand Preston. Stop trying to present both sides, it's not possible. Way to present the status quo.
This book provides a comprehensive view of the impact of religion on American foreign policy, from colonial times until the present. The author provides a detailed account, and he provides a subtle analysis that shows the differences between and among denominations. He often provides evidence to deepen the reader's understanding of major historical figures. Unfortunately, the book is organized badly, which makes it hard to follow at times, and the author contradicts himself in several instances.
At som 600 pages, excluding notes, this is a somewhat demanding book covering the intersection of USA religion and public policy from colonial times to Obama. Persistent themes (God's chosen people, for example, co-exist with changing perceptions of evil (Catholics, Jews, Communists, liberal Protestants, Muslims). The author designates the Judeo-Christian tradition (itself a relatively recent notion) as America's civil religion. Exhaustively research, informative, and beautifully written, this book is well worth reading.
Very interesting. Quite dense and slow reading. Frames American history, character and actions as influenced by religion, religious beliefs. Even proposes that the passion that inspired the American Revolution was not so much about democracy as about fear of Church of England and Catholic Church. I only made it about 1/3 the way thru then had to return to the library. But I will take it up again.
I started this book with a certain amount of curiosity, but quickly became overwhelmed by the endless dissections of various religious sectarian beliefs & intrigues as they influenced American politics & diplomacy. So much so that I couldn't get past the 1/2 way mark in the book, & unlike the Israelites crossing the Red Sea, I couldn't get Divine intervention to hold the flood of information, and so didn't finish the crossing.
"Sword..." is a fascinating look at how religion influences US foreign and, in some cases, domestic policy. It provides a unique perspective on American history as most focus on politics, social perspectives, military campaigns, etc. Preston provides a lot of information, and for the most part is making a good case for his perspective on the influence of religion on American foreign policy. It is not an easy or casual read so I expect it will take a while to finish.
It is a big book - over 600 pages. I was not able to finish it as I had to return it to the library as others were waiting to borrow it. The author showed how much Christianity played a part in the history of America right from the beginning. It is well-written and balanced.
I very much enjoyed this book. It was incredible writing. Incredible research. I'm not giving it five stars because there was the occasional argument that seemed a bit of a stretch. But yeah. Great book.
A great overview of the role religion has played in shaping America’s Founding, foreign and domestic policy, and the criteria we have for individuals in leadership.