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The Statecraft of Machiavelli, 1st, First Edition
The Statecraft of Machiavelli, 1st, First Edition [Mass Market Paperback] [Jan 01, 1962] Butterfield, Herbert
- GenresHistory
Mass Market Paperback
Published January 1, 1962
13 people want to read
About the author
Herbert Butterfield
68 books31 followersSir Herbert Butterfield was a British historian and philosopher of history who is remembered chiefly for two books—a short volume early in his career entitled The Whig Interpretation of History (1931) and his Origins of Modern Science (1949). Over the course of his career, Butterfield turned increasingly to historiography and man's developing view of the past. Butterfield was a devout Christian and reflected at length on Christian influences in historical perspectives. Butterfield thought individual personalities more important than great systems of government or economics in historical study. His Christian beliefs in personal sin, salvation, and providence heavily influenced his writings, a fact he freely admitted. At the same time, Butterfield's early works emphasized the limits of a historian's moral conclusions, "If history can do anything it is to remind us that all our judgments are merely relative to time and circumstance."
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December 23, 2024
Having read a wonderful biography of Niccolò Machiavelli late last year, I became curious if the author, Alexander Lee, included Herbert Butterfield’s book from the mid-1960s in his bibliography. It is not, which is understandable since it is a short secondary work/commentary on Machiavelli, but it would have been nice to know if Butterfield’s thoughts might have made an impression. At first glance, they seem to be diametrically opposed. Upon reflection, however, they do fit. Butterfield focuses on one aspect and one pertinent comparison, Lee looks at his life; they have different goals. The biography motivated me to read Butterfield again after more than forty years, and Butterfield cautioned against jumping to (seemingly) obvious conclusions.
Butterfield’s point is that far from being modern, Machiavelli’s thinking is stuck in the Roman republic as a paradigm.
Butterfield concludes his short commentary with a comparison of the Bolingbroke, who advised and served in political administrations of British royalty in the early 18th century, whose goal was to help create a “Patriot King (or Queen)” who served the people before selfish interest. Machiavelli served both as a motivation and cautionary tale as Bolingbroke maneuvered the intrigues of Whitehall, creating a template for kings in coming decades. And as Butterfield concludes, they:
Butterfield’s point is that far from being modern, Machiavelli’s thinking is stuck in the Roman republic as a paradigm.
He did not admire ancient Rome because Romans had a republic; he admired republican government because it was the form under which ancient Rome had achieved unexampled greatness and power.Contrary to the epithets history has handed down to him, his most successful and productive time came while diplomatically representing the Florentine Republic, not for an imperial government, although he worked with and advised many of them. That, plus mostly wanting a job, was one of the reasons he felt qualified to offer his unsolicited views to autocratic leaders. In the end, he looked backward when giving advice for the future.
Butterfield concludes his short commentary with a comparison of the Bolingbroke, who advised and served in political administrations of British royalty in the early 18th century, whose goal was to help create a “Patriot King (or Queen)” who served the people before selfish interest. Machiavelli served both as a motivation and cautionary tale as Bolingbroke maneuvered the intrigues of Whitehall, creating a template for kings in coming decades. And as Butterfield concludes, they:
would have been surprised to learn the true genesis of the idea of a Patriot King who should restore liberty among a degenerate people—surprised to learn that by the shortest and most direct route possible, the idea had come into English history from Machiavelli himself.Another way to sum up this excellent analysis might be in the proverb: Everything new is old again. The genius is in being the first to see and conceptualize it.
May 23, 2024
Herbert Butterfield's Reserved, Unpretentious Eloquence Unlocks The Secrets Of Machiavelli's Political Writings.
Sir Herbert Butterfield was a British historian, historiographer, & philosopher of history who lived from 1900 - 1979. Through the course of his career he rose to become Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge as well as attaining another title, the Regius Professor of History.
'The Statecraft of Machiavelli' is a treatise which first was published in the year 1962. The title's length, a modest 122 pages, might give to a prospective reader the impression that it lacks substance, which could not be further from the truth. What Sir Butterfield has created with this wonderful treatise of his is an exemplary analysis of Niccolò Machiavelli's writings rendered to the reader in clear, concise vernacular which abjures from prejudgment, or subjectiveness of any kind. There are no veiled meanings in his writing, nor is there disparagement or bias.
Butterfield's 'The Statecraft of Machiavelli' is divided into four parts, each focusing on a particular aspect of Machiavelli's writings. All four are directly appurtenant to how his policies, concepts, maxims which comprise them are actually viable in the real world of politics. I say the 'real world' because Machiavelli garnered a considerable amount of negative criticism from his contemporaries, most notably Francesco Guicciardini, for being too extreme & disconnected from reality in his statecraft's policy, particularly via the maxims he embedded in his two most famous works, 'The Prince' & 'Discourses on Livy'. Butterfield describes him in one passage as, '..that other kind of person who can be so troublesome to the practicing politician--the assured & insistent historian, the dogmatic disciple of the ancient ways. It should be noted however, that Guicciardini was a man who enjoyed a successful career in politics as well as the high esteem of the ruling Medici family. Francesco comparatively had a much easier time achieving success because he was on the side that was the dominating power in government while Niccolò was the outcast living on a farm, writing about Titus Livy & how Roman society was so superior to the institutions in his own era. Machiavelli was a remnant of an overthrown regime, the secretary to a chancery whose constituent members had been deposed & run out of the Florentine city limits in the wake of the Medici's return to power in 1512.
Niccolò's banishment from his beloved Florence did not at all diminish his love for the subject of statecraft. It remained his primary passion throughout his forced retirement along with his loving wife Marietta & their six children. I think he tried to direct his interests into other areas to help fill the hole in his heart but it was not the same. Early in the treatise, Butterfield writes of him, 'He said that because he was "incapable of talking of silk & wool or profit & loss" he must go on discussing matters of government or be silent;'.
The author incorporates examples from history into his treatise, among them Catherine de'Medici, a woman who somehow was able to be not only courageous & strong in her conviction to rule but she also loved her children so fiercely she simply would not accept anything less than the best life she could possibly provide for them. She was also in an extremely difficult situation as the position she occupied did not enjoy the benefits of an established power structure, & as such Butterfield considers Catherine as an 'anomalous' ruler. Furthermore he argues that the harsh tenets & unyielding political maxims of Machiavelli's writings gear themselves toward assisting a ruler governing in an uncertain or hostile environment, such as Catherine was forced to endure.
There is a chapter in the treatise entitled 'The Inductive Method' where Sir Herbert expounds upon the dawning of what we today consider to be the traditional scientific method of trial & error, the control & the variable process that most likely took a very long time for mankind to reason precisely what the entire procedure entailed & probably longer to realize every step in that process. I couldn't help but grin with amusement as I read his lighthearted sarcasm on the process of inference & deduction when insufficient amounts of evidence exist, he calls it, '..too high a structure of reasoning upon too small a basis of verifiable facts,'; he claims that it '..gives the whole argument a flimsy & airy appearance, as though the sciences were left floating far from contact with reality in a region of abstract thought.' I think the key to balancing my checkbook every month is also embedded within that region of abstract thought, Sir Herbert.
So, in closing, 'The Statecraft of Machiavelli' is an utterly marvelous piece of literature. I don't even think it's necessary, or even recommended, to have read any of Machiavelli's writings to really experience the full benefit of what Sir Herbert Butterfield's treatise has to offer. Because the personality & the style of Butterfield's writing is so objective & free from bias this would be a fantastic way for a newcomer to be introduced to Niccolò's statecraft in a way I'd consider wholesome & worthwhile. The material which analyzes & evaluates the actual content of his works, namely 'The Prince' & 'Discourses on Livy' to me, it emphasizes the parts that aren't the negative ones taken out of context, such as his penchant for violence & his fixation with mankind's evil & deceitful nature. There's one passage in the first chapter that I found a bit sad, because it reflects Niccolò Machiavelli the way I in my heart imagine what kind of a man he probably was. 'When he lost his official position, even when he was removed from authentic sources of information, he remained at heart--what he so desired to become again in reality--a professional adviser on political questions & one whose skill was the admiration of his friends.' I think that last part is just the best in the whole passage. '..whose skill was the admiration of his friends.' Who doesn't want to be talented at something & have his friends admire him?
Sir Herbert Butterfield was a British historian, historiographer, & philosopher of history who lived from 1900 - 1979. Through the course of his career he rose to become Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge as well as attaining another title, the Regius Professor of History.
'The Statecraft of Machiavelli' is a treatise which first was published in the year 1962. The title's length, a modest 122 pages, might give to a prospective reader the impression that it lacks substance, which could not be further from the truth. What Sir Butterfield has created with this wonderful treatise of his is an exemplary analysis of Niccolò Machiavelli's writings rendered to the reader in clear, concise vernacular which abjures from prejudgment, or subjectiveness of any kind. There are no veiled meanings in his writing, nor is there disparagement or bias.
Butterfield's 'The Statecraft of Machiavelli' is divided into four parts, each focusing on a particular aspect of Machiavelli's writings. All four are directly appurtenant to how his policies, concepts, maxims which comprise them are actually viable in the real world of politics. I say the 'real world' because Machiavelli garnered a considerable amount of negative criticism from his contemporaries, most notably Francesco Guicciardini, for being too extreme & disconnected from reality in his statecraft's policy, particularly via the maxims he embedded in his two most famous works, 'The Prince' & 'Discourses on Livy'. Butterfield describes him in one passage as, '..that other kind of person who can be so troublesome to the practicing politician--the assured & insistent historian, the dogmatic disciple of the ancient ways. It should be noted however, that Guicciardini was a man who enjoyed a successful career in politics as well as the high esteem of the ruling Medici family. Francesco comparatively had a much easier time achieving success because he was on the side that was the dominating power in government while Niccolò was the outcast living on a farm, writing about Titus Livy & how Roman society was so superior to the institutions in his own era. Machiavelli was a remnant of an overthrown regime, the secretary to a chancery whose constituent members had been deposed & run out of the Florentine city limits in the wake of the Medici's return to power in 1512.
Niccolò's banishment from his beloved Florence did not at all diminish his love for the subject of statecraft. It remained his primary passion throughout his forced retirement along with his loving wife Marietta & their six children. I think he tried to direct his interests into other areas to help fill the hole in his heart but it was not the same. Early in the treatise, Butterfield writes of him, 'He said that because he was "incapable of talking of silk & wool or profit & loss" he must go on discussing matters of government or be silent;'.
The author incorporates examples from history into his treatise, among them Catherine de'Medici, a woman who somehow was able to be not only courageous & strong in her conviction to rule but she also loved her children so fiercely she simply would not accept anything less than the best life she could possibly provide for them. She was also in an extremely difficult situation as the position she occupied did not enjoy the benefits of an established power structure, & as such Butterfield considers Catherine as an 'anomalous' ruler. Furthermore he argues that the harsh tenets & unyielding political maxims of Machiavelli's writings gear themselves toward assisting a ruler governing in an uncertain or hostile environment, such as Catherine was forced to endure.
There is a chapter in the treatise entitled 'The Inductive Method' where Sir Herbert expounds upon the dawning of what we today consider to be the traditional scientific method of trial & error, the control & the variable process that most likely took a very long time for mankind to reason precisely what the entire procedure entailed & probably longer to realize every step in that process. I couldn't help but grin with amusement as I read his lighthearted sarcasm on the process of inference & deduction when insufficient amounts of evidence exist, he calls it, '..too high a structure of reasoning upon too small a basis of verifiable facts,'; he claims that it '..gives the whole argument a flimsy & airy appearance, as though the sciences were left floating far from contact with reality in a region of abstract thought.' I think the key to balancing my checkbook every month is also embedded within that region of abstract thought, Sir Herbert.
So, in closing, 'The Statecraft of Machiavelli' is an utterly marvelous piece of literature. I don't even think it's necessary, or even recommended, to have read any of Machiavelli's writings to really experience the full benefit of what Sir Herbert Butterfield's treatise has to offer. Because the personality & the style of Butterfield's writing is so objective & free from bias this would be a fantastic way for a newcomer to be introduced to Niccolò's statecraft in a way I'd consider wholesome & worthwhile. The material which analyzes & evaluates the actual content of his works, namely 'The Prince' & 'Discourses on Livy' to me, it emphasizes the parts that aren't the negative ones taken out of context, such as his penchant for violence & his fixation with mankind's evil & deceitful nature. There's one passage in the first chapter that I found a bit sad, because it reflects Niccolò Machiavelli the way I in my heart imagine what kind of a man he probably was. 'When he lost his official position, even when he was removed from authentic sources of information, he remained at heart--what he so desired to become again in reality--a professional adviser on political questions & one whose skill was the admiration of his friends.' I think that last part is just the best in the whole passage. '..whose skill was the admiration of his friends.' Who doesn't want to be talented at something & have his friends admire him?
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