The Financial Times always features an enormous article called “the Big Read” that focuses on an important topic in the news. The FT’s writers interview absolutely all the relevant players, tease out of them juicy quotes, present all sides of the argument, explain a fair bit of the detail and, generally speaking set a tone, but leave the conclusions to the reader.
Edward Luce has done just that with this book. His topic (my prose) is “Seven things that are going wrong in America: Manufacturing, Education, Healthcare, the Federal Government, Polarization, the Permanent Election Campaign and the Death of the Entrepreneurial Spirit” to which he also adds “the missing middle.”
What makes the FT Big Read my favorite read of the day is pretty much what makes this book a mess: a format that works well for a one-page article begins to sag by the time you’re on page 50 and becomes downright annoying by page 280. Edward Luce has INCREDIBLE access and interviews a good 500 of the most important 1,000 Americans, but you, the reader, cannot possibly hope to remember what they all said. And you lose count of the many arguments that are made.
Also, this being a book, the author tends to sympathize a bit extra with what all his important interviewees have to tell him. The result is a 280 page long rant. Everything sucks in America, apparently. And everything was absolutely awesome a generation ago.
When I finished the book, I was fuming, basically. I was angry I’d spent my time reading this dense concatenation of quotes and comments and aghast at the paltry effort made to weave them all into a theme or story. Yes, I want to start thinking, but what are your thoughts, Mr. Luce?
He ends the book with a question: can America forge the consensus that will allow it sustain an open economy that benefits everyone?
Does he attempt to answer? Noooooooo he doesn’t. You’re on your own. Time to start thinking.
And yet, I’m glad I read it. I challenge anyone to say he knew everything that is listed in this extremely dense, thoroughly resourced and exquisitely written tome. There’s some serious information packed in here. And one particular theme, the “Killing of the Golden Goose” is developed particularly well.
That would be the part of the book where Luce argues America has thrown the secret recipe for innovation out the window. When once it attracted the best of the best and turned them into Americans, it now loses most of them to their home country once they’ve gotten their PhD. The trademark office that once used to make America the repository of the world’s best ideas has turned into a tax on innovation. The Passport Agency that once turned an interviewed Indian-born entrepreneur’s application in four weeks has turned into a Maginot Line. The VCs that once sought long shots now shop for sure things. Some weirder ideas slip in there too. Like Sarbanes-Oxley allegedly stops innovation. Or competition allegedly is a tax on innovation. That’s clearly stuff CEOs sweetly whispered into his ear. But the story is compelling, you read it and you’re like “perhaps he’s right.”
Some other stuff he’s got flat wrong though. China is firing manufacturing just as fast as the US and has been for at least a decade. I don’t care what Jeff Immelt tells everyone (Edward Luce included) but you have to agree with Austan Goolsbee’s view on page 161 that “people will point to China ten years from now and wonder how it could have wasted so much money.” A good 100 pages of this 280 page book argues passionately that the US ought to be throwing the same types of subsidies at high end manufacturing and I, for one, was far from convinced. Yes, yes, Regina Dugan of DARPA is right when she argues on page 147 that “to innovate we must make” but this does not mean the US government’s role is to match every new entrant’s subsidies. And it really can’t be that the future is in manufacturing if it’s also true that all new jobs since 1990 are in the non-tradable sector, can it?
Also, this would contradict the story Edward Luce (very convincingly) tells aboutwhat he considers to be the US government’s main problem, namely that, tightening budgets notwithstanding, it’s plagued by complexity and fragmentation of a frighteningly accelerating nature. Quoting Silicon Valley entrepreneur Ed Perhoet, (p. 145) “Let’s say the president wanted to combine all research money into one agency. He wouldn’t stand a chance. The easiest step would be to set up a new agency, which would then compete with all the others for authority and funds.” Luce quotes all the necessary numbers on the size of the tax code (best exemplified by the fact that the head of the IRS has his taxes filled out by a professional), the geometrically growing number of regulations (70k pages at last count), the escalating number of executive titles (with 64 “chiefs of staff” under George W Bush), the staggering number of outside contractors (10.5 million compared with fewer than 2 million direct federal employees, their number having been capped there by Congress in 1951), Barack Obama’s 37 policy czars, the 56 programs to promote financial literacy, the 82 different programs to improve teaching ability, the 51 “entirely duplicative” schemes for worker assistance and the US military’s dozens of independent ways to deal with IEDs in Afghanistan. How exactly could this government steer industrial policy, even if it made sense to do so?
I was most reminded of the FT’s Big Read when the FDA came under Luce’s microscope. First comes a vicious attack from the angle of the Semiconductor Industry, but it’s swiftly followed by an impassioned plea to support the FDA. All it seems to have taken is an audience from its charismatic leader. The chapter ends with an exhortation to fund regulators better or risk losing control of “the global commons.” Rather weird.
The education chapter is a list of failed initiatives, some government-sponsored, such as the cash-starved community colleges and some private, such as Bill Gates’ crusade to make classes smaller. An initiative to get schools to enter robot competitions is more of an excuse for the author to hang out with and hitch a plane ride from legendary inventor Victor Kamen.
The healthcare section. Erm, what healthcare section? Oh, yes. If we ever were to go back to the era when US corporations ruled the world and provided continuous lifetime education and opportunities to a loyal workforce, with no risk of their investment jumping ship to the competition, perhaps they could also pay for said employees healthcare. Sure. And we could also watch the Fonz together and be cool, one presumes.
The chapter on polarization is convincing. You find out about the Tea Party and Glenn Beck and a funky referendum consultant who can get Californians to vote for anything if you pay him enough. America is dangerously polarized, and this is conveyed extremely well.
The explanation of how we got there is missing though. Yes, it’s true, the manufacturing jobs that are forever gone were lost to people who would normally have stood in between the two extremes. They were middle class jobs. Yes, the tax breaks in America all help the rich homeowners, rich stock owners, rich corporations that can hire tax specialists and they all deprive the state of money it could have targeted to the poor, but this 100% true and rather unfortunate fact makes the rich richer and the poor poorer. It does not do much in terms of annihilating those in the middle. The only decent explanation is rather indecent. It comes from Edward Luce’s former boss, Larry Summers who argues that “since the eighty/twenty rule is true, things aren’t that great for the 80 percent.” (p. 59)
The last chapter is the one about how money buys power in American politics and it turned my stomach. You follow around Jim Messina as he raises millions for Obama, you are confronted with the nasty hypocrisy regarding lobbyists and how Senator Baucus, who has received so far USD 38 million in campaign contributions cut big Pharma a sweet deal and killed the public insurance option after Obama gave him the keys to Obamacare, before handing over to Liz Fowler (a frequent recipient of paid work by Wellpoint) to lead the actual drafting. Page 231 you can read the vomit-inducing endorsement she gets from the Obama administration after somebody questioned the logic of her appointment. Similar examples are given from all recent administrations.
Away from the “China is taking over because we lack an industrial policy” the book does not really have a narrative, basically. It does not have a beginning and an end. You could mix up the chapters and nothing would be lost. And it does not offer answers, just soundbites. Well, there is one answer (we need an industrial policy to save high-end manufacturing) but I disagree with it.
Perversely, I’m glad I read the book, I’ve learnt a lot. A bit like I feel after I’ve read the Big Read.