Bernard Porter argues in "The Absent-Minded Imperialists" that most Britons were not bound to be imperialists, “or to be interested in the empire, or even to be very much aware of it for most of the nineteenth century.” Porter thus challenged a generation of scholars who had come to “see imperialism everywhere,” most importantly Edward Said (Orientalism) and John Mackenzie (Propaganda and Empire). Said portrayed imperialism as ubiquitous by describing it as permeating the West at the deepest levels of racial and cultural discourse, while Mackenzie sought to provide an empirical basis for the study of culture and imperialism by demonstrating the prevalence of imperial themes in popular culture. Porter, however, argues that imperial themes neither pervaded British culture nor influenced British policy, save for the jingoistic era of the “new imperialism” in the late nineteenth century.
Rather, the British Empire was ruled by a small, elite class which did not depend on “propaganda” or “invented traditions” for the empire to continue to function. Accordingly, manifestations of imperialism in popular culture did not necessarily persuade the mass public of the Empire’s virtues. Nor were themes such as militarism, patriotism, or racism, necessarily tied to empire: they were also prominent in non-imperial nations such as the United States, for example. Even in the elite public schools attended by the upper classes, imperial history was absent from textbooks, and was late in becoming a topic of interest at elite British universities like Oxford and Cambridge. These enclaves of the British upper classes, rather than gearing teaching towards imperial knowledge, were instead geared towards inculcating in students the virtues of the British ruling classes through the study of classics and by participation in sport. For the middle and lower classes, meanwhile, the connections to empire were even weaker. Knowledge of empire was mostly limited to the British settler colonies, where ties to kith and kin provided the only contact with the global empire Britain ruled. “Taking these imperial reports and displays out of context gives a misleading impression of their ubiquity,” Porter writes. “Most of them are thinly scattered, marginal, trivial, occasional, or temporary.”
Yet for all the strengths of Porter’s study, it is difficult to apply the same arguments to the twentieth century that Porter so compelling applies to the nineteenth century. One could cite the growing importance of imperial themes as the mass of Britons, newly enfranchised in the Reform Acts of 1867 and 1884, faced a number of empire-related issues during this period: the increasing European competition for overseas territories, Boer War of 1899-1902, and the growing popularity of imperial trading preference in the early twentieth century. Porter acknowledges these issues, but his thesis remains that the increase in imperial themes reflected an attempt to foster national identity and remedy social divisions rather than promote the Empire. Equally troubling is Porter’s insistence that his argument applies to the “dominating” kind of imperialism, whereas the apparent targets of his criticism used the term more broadly. Porter is, in effect, setting up his opponents as straw men, and attacking the arguments they never intended to make. Nevertheless, in Porter’s strictly defined way, "The Absent-Minded Imperialists" is both compellingly argued and well researched, and it serves as a timely (if polemical) corrective to the work of cultural historians of the past generation.