As someone better versed in the Continental tradition, my perception of what I was told was "analytic" philosophy has varied from curiosity, to hesitant respect, to disdain. I can now say that, insofar as this book is an "analytic" work, it is expansive, eclectic and eye-opening to what sorts of philosophy can be done; it has especially piqued an interest in me for Pragmatism. If you know way more about Heidegger than Wittgenstein and feel that's a good thing, I urge you to read this.
As for the book, the part that matters, I must say that Rorty packs very much into very crisp, clear sentences. As a result, much of the work is being done in the background - between the lines, in Rorty's other essays, and in other texts. This book demands re-reads and re-descriptions to do it justice, and Rorty admits that the justifications for his particularly idiosyncratic readings of authors like Freud or Derrida must be sought elsewhere. Thus, some major confusions or qualms I have about Rorty's project here might be irrelevant until I've read further.
Before that, I can only describe Rorty's crystallization of diverse streams of thought into a broad and identifiable view of the world, ironism, as masterful and personally influential. His rejection of both metaphysical thinking and charges of relativism is confident and convincing, and his unwillingness to collapse autonomy or solidarity to the other is daring. And the network of thinkers he draws upon is exciting in its scope, going from Wittgenstein to Kuhn to Foucault.
But Rorty is not just describing ironism, he's describing liberal ironism. It'd be a tautology to say that his very rigid separation of the private and the public is typical of an advocate of liberal political ideology. He provides a more thorough case for that separation than anyone else I've seen, but I was dogged by a suspicion of it; why this distinction and where does it come from, if not the Plato-Kant continuum? Rorty writes that "socialization goes all the way down," so why is it a coherent means of describing groups as comprised of individuals having their own inviolable domain with such a sharp distinction? Of course, the response could be: there is nothing true or necessarily externally coherent about the rigid demarcation of the private and the public, it is a useful re-description for the "we" group of liberals. Well, being, probably, in at least one community other than Rorty's where this description is used, I can only claim skepticism. But this rigid demarcation between the private ironist and the public liberal, where you don't necessarily care at all for others in your private libidinal fantasies, and surrender that on the entrance into the public sphere, leads him to pretty startling claims like: Foucault, Nietzsche, Heidegger or Derrida are immensely important figures for the private ironist, and completely useless for liberal society. He thus goes back and flattens the work of these writers, not only suggesting they are useless but for your individual projects, but, I think, insinuating, that they were mistaken to try to do anything other than Proust did in the first place. I find that difficult to swallow and not quite defensible.
At a more particular level, Rorty's claim that science and philosophy has fallen far behind literature in giving meaning and excitement to lives in liberal societies I find strange, as science and technology have an importance growing in scale and complexity the world over. That more people could recognize Hawking or Tyson than Nabokov demonstrates this at least a little. Rorty's neglect of science, while also making frequent referral to ideas derived directly from a study of philosophy and history of science via Kuhn, is either an omission of brevity's sake or a blindspot. This is especially important in that Rorty cites the capacity for suffering as essentially a replacement for reason or goodness as the essential natural quality of all humans (and animals); that he could do this on any but a physiological and psychological basis, somehow outside of our languages, would be curious if not contradictory; yes all people seem to suffer, but as Rorty acknowledges the most profound forms of suffering, humiliation, are engineered - they're socialized. Another alternate viewpoint I would have liked to see considered is in the Nabokov/Orwell section; he draws on these two novelists (poets, rather) to discuss cruelty as a private question (Nabokov) and a social ill (Orwell). I would have much rather seen Rorty tackle someone like de Sade, who rather than prodding at personal cruelty or appalling at its social extremes, embraced it in both spheres. That cruelty is, for de Sade, not just the frightening trait of even the intelligent, but every single powerful or intelligent person in the West, is a tougher problem for Rorty. As a final short ancillary remark, I wish I knew if Rorty would be so optimistic about his predictions of the power of literature in liberal society; a lot less people are getting their moral instruction from Orwell as from Rowling. What a monster the culture machine is.
The final, and probably bigger question, is at the very end: is ironism and solidarity more useful for liberal society than metaphysical thinking? Rorty doesn't dare ask: what's useful for other communities? I am not sure how he would approach that question were he alive today, a very different West from that of 20 years ago when this was published. Certain actors in liberal society today wield, it could be argued, ironism as a social force, not a private one, to attack institutions; human solidarity as Rorty perceives it giving way to apparent sectarianism unlike that seen in decades; and a ballooning of metaphysical thinking, such as in scientism or "true/fake news" all suggest that ironism and solidarity are not inviolably useful tools for even Rorty's "we's" aims.