Islam and Revolution I: Writings and Declarations of Imam Khomeini

by سید روح الله خمینی, Hamid Algar (Translator)

This unprecedented collection in English of notable works by Imam Khomeini, ranging in date from 1941 to 1980, makes it possible for non-Iranians to become directly acquainted with hsi ideas and to examine the convictions that underlay his indomitable mien. He was undeniably one of the most important figures of the age, not only for his roles as principle strategist of a successful revolutionary movement and supervisor of the Islamic order it ushered in, but also for his unhesitating promotion of what he saw as a global Islamic mission -- the union of all Muslim peoples.

Genres: Islam, Religion, Iran, Middle East, Nonfiction, Politics, Philosophy

460 pages, Paperback

First published May 1, 1981

About the author

سید روح‌ الله خمینی (در شناسنامه سید روح‌ الله مصطفوی: زاده ۱ مهر ۱۲۸۱ – درگذشته ۱۳ خرداد ۱۳۶۸) که به «امام خمینی» نیز شهرت دارد، اولین رهبر و ولی فقیه نظام جمهوری اسلامی ایران و از مراجع تقلید شیعه بود که انقلاب ۱۳۵۷ ایران را رهبری و در پی آن، جمهوری اسلامی را از راه همه‌پرسی (رفراندوم)، بنیان‌گذارد و تا پایان عمر، رهبر ایران بود. به تعبیر بسیاری از محققان و متفکران، سید روح الله خمینی فرهیخته‌ترین حاکم ایران از ابتدای تاریخ مکتوب تا عصر حاضر بوده است

وی در حوزه علمیه به تحصیل فقه، فلسفه اسلامی و عرفان پرداخت و در سال ۱۳۱۳ به اجتهاد رسید. پس از درگذشت سید حسین بروجردی (۱۳۴۰ ش)، جزو نامزدهای مرجعیت بود. سپس، به مبارزه با سیاست‌های محمدرضا پهلوی به خصوص انقلاب سفید پرداخت و به دلیل اعتراض به تبعیت شاه از سیاست اسرائیل و آمریکا، در عاشورای ۱۳۴۲ خورشیدی، ۱۰ ماه زندانی شد و سپس در ۱۳۴۳ به دلیل سخنرانی علیه اعطای کاپیتولاسیون به مستشاران نظامی آمریکایی، تبعید شد. وی ۱۴ سال در تبعید زیست، که حدود یک سال در ترکیه، سپس عراق، و در پایان چند ماه در فرانسه بود. طی این مدت پیگیر اوضاع سیاسی ایران بود، با ارسال پیام و اعلامیه، اسلام‌گرایان و مخالفان را رهبری و به تدوین نظریه ولایت فقیه پرداخت. به عنوان رهبر انقلاب، شورای انقلاب و دولت موقت را تشکیل داد. پس از خروج شاه از ایران، در ۱۲ بهمن ۱۳۵۷ خمینی به ایران بازگشت و در ۲۲ بهمن انقلاب پیروز شد.


از آیت‌الله سید روح الله خمینی بیش از 60 عنوان کتاب منتشر شده است. بخشی از کتاب‌های او به زبان‌های فارسی و عربی به شرح زیر است:

آثار عرفانی و اخلاقی
شرح دعای سحر (عربی)

امام خمینی این کتاب را در سال ۱۳۴۷ق یعنی در ۲۷ سالگی تالیف کرده‌ است. سال تألیف این اثر مصادف است با سال ورود شاه آبادی به قم. امام خمینی در دو نقطه از ایشان یاد و مطلبی نقل می‌کند. تألیف این کتاب در سال اول شاگردی نزد شاه‌آبادی، این نکته را روشن می‌کند که امام خمینی همان‌گونه که خودش در اولین برخورد و ملاقات با شاه‌آبادی گفته، فلسفه را قبلا خواند بوده و در عرفان نیز کار کرده و استاد دیده بود. این کتاب به زبان عربی بوده و ترجمه فارسی آن نیز منتشر شده است.

مصباح الهدایة الی الخلافة والولایه (عربی)

این کتاب در بیان حقیقت محمدیه و ولایت علویه است که با ترجمه فارسی آن پس از انقلاب اسلامی ایران چاپ شده است. تألیف این کتاب در سال ۱۳۴۹ق به پایان رسیده است. این کتاب و شرح دعای سحر فقط برای کسانی که با عرفان و اصطلاحات آن آشنایی دارند، قابل استفاده است.

لقاءالله (فارسی)

مقاله‌ای به زبان فارسی در هفت صفحه که در آن از استادش شاه‌آبادی یاد می‌کند. این رساله در پایان کتاب لقاءالله حاج میرزا جواد ملکی تبریزی چاپ شده است.

سر الصلاة

صلاة العارفین یا معراج السالکین (فارسی) این کتاب برای خواص از اهل عرفان و سلوک نوشته شده و تاریخ پایان تألیف آن سال ۱۳۵۸ق است و تا حال دوبار چاپ شده که بار اول مستقل و بار دیگر در یادنامه مرتضی مطهری چاپ شده است. در این کتاب از اسرارالصلاة شهید ثانی و شاه‌آبادی یاد می‌شود و نیز به شرح اربعین خود ارجاع می‌دهد که معلوم می‌شود شرح اربعین را پیش از سرالصلاة نوشته یا هنگام نوشتن سرالصلاة آن کتاب هم در دست تألیف بوده است.

تعلیقة علی شرح فصوص الحکم (عربی)

فصوص الحکم تألیف محی‌الدین عربی و شرح آن از محمود قیصری است و امام خمینی شرح فصوص را در هفت سالی که از محضر شاه‌آبادی بوده، نزد ایشان خوانده و تاریخ تألیف این تعلیقه هم همان سال‌هاست. در این تعلیقه به مصباح الهدایه خود ارجاع می‌دهد و از شاه‌آبادی نیز یاد می‌کند. کتاب شرح فصوص ۴۹۵ صفحه بوده که تعلیقه امام تا صفحه ۳۹۶ آن است.

تعلیقة علی مصباح الانس (عربی)

مفتاح غیب الجمع والوجود تالیف صدرالدین محمدبن اسحاق قونوی و شرح آن به نام مصباح الانس تالیف محمدبن حمزة بن محمد عثمانی معروف به ابن فناری است. امام خمینی مصباح الانس را تا صفحه ۴۴ از سال ۱۳۵۰ تا ۱۳۵۴ق نزد شاه‌آبادی خوانده است.

تعلیقة علی شرح حدیث رأس الجالوت (عربی)

قاضی سعید قمی از دانشمندان و عرفای قرن یازدهم، تألیفات فراوانی دارد که یکی از آن‌ها شرح حدیث رأس الجالوت است که در الذریعه آقا بزرگ در حرف "شین" یاد شده است. گویا مقصود از حدیث رأس الجالوت همان احتجاج حضرت رضا(ع) با اصحاب ادیان مختلفه بوده که قسمتی از آن احتجاج با رأس الجالوت یهودی است. حدیث در توحید و نیز عیون اخبارالرضا اثر شیخ صدوق و احتجاج طبرسی و جلد دهم بحارالانوار و جلد دوم مسندالرضا نقل شده است.

امام خمینی تعلیقه‌ای بر این رساله قاضی سعید نوشته که در جلد ۲۶ ذریعه صفحه ۲۸۵ چاپ مشهد یاد شده و هنوز به چ

Reviews

[Kat · Rating 4 out of 5]

A truly fascinating look into a man who is in the West considered to be a criminal at best and a monster at worst. It delves deep into the recesses of Islamic philosophy, the good and bad, and makes you step back to re-evaluate your views on this man who, through these writings, demonstrates his reluctance to become the leader of his troubled country but his desire to do good things for his people. We may not agree with some of the things he did, but this helps you to understand how he got there.

[Ali Tehrani · Rating 4 out of 5]

Hamid Algar, the translator, does an amazing job translating this book, which - - aside from a brief introduction by Algar - - consists of speeches and writings by Khomeini.

I don't agree with much of what Khomeini wrote, but still it's a fascinating read and gives valuable insight to the foundations of Iran's 1979 revolution. To anyone interested in knowing more about Khomeini or Iran's revolution, I highly recommend this book. It's not always riveting, but it's often thought-provoking and offers a valuable glimpse of the writings that helped inspire a revolution.

My general takeaway is that Khomeini was an absolutely magnificent revolutionary. When he speaks, even I want to rise up in rebellion. Unfortunately, he is a much better revolutionary than a political theorist. His notions of governance are underdeveloped and naive. For example, his notion of "Vilayete Faqih" -- that a cleric should have a supreme role in the government because the cleric knows Islamic law and execution of Islamic law will lead to a utopia - - is beyond naive. And unfortunately, much of his revolutionary rhetoric is applicable to Iran's current regime.

Some notes on Khomeini, based on his 150-page book, "Islamic Government":

1) Amazing revolutionary. He can really inspire. I disagree with a lot of what Khomeini says, but he can be really persuasive, really inspiring. It's easy to see how this man inspired a nation, how he convinced the majority of Iranians that they must revolt. He got people to reevaluate their faith. What is the purpose of Islam? To worry about small, inconsequential matters? Or to bring justice and prosperity to the people? Khomeini made clear that Islam requires Muslims to pursue justice, to fight tyranny and oppression, and to serve the people by enacting Islamic principles.

"Since the range of thought of some people is confined to the mosque we are not sitting in and is incapable of extending any further, when they hear the expression, 'consumption of what is forbidden' they can only think of some corner grocer who is (God forbid) selling his customers short. They never think of the whole range of more important forms of 'consuming what is forbidden.' of plunder. Huge amounts of capital are being swallowed up; our public funds are being embezzled; our oil is being plundered; and our country is being turned into a market for expensive, unnecessary goods by the representatives of foreign companies, which makes it possible for foreign capitalists and their local agents to pocket the people's money. A number of foreign states carry off our oil after drawing it out of the ground, and the negligible sum they pay to the regime they have installed returns to their pockets by other routes ... All of this is a form of 'consumption of what is forbidden' that takes place on an enormous scale, an international scale. It is not merely an evil, but a hideous and most dangerous evil. ... We must end all this plundering and usurpation of wealth. The people as a whole have a responsibility in this respect, but the responsibility of the religious scholars is graver and more critical. We must take the lead over other Muslims in embarking on this sacred jihad, this heavy undertaking." (pp. 115-116.)

"Present Islam to the people in its true form, so that our youth do not picture the akhunds as sitting in some corner in Najaf or Qum, studying the questions of menstruation and parturition instead of concerning themselves with politics. ... If we Muslims do nothing but engage in the canonical prayer, petition God, and invoke his name, the imperialists and the oppressive governments allied with them will leave us alone. ... If you pay no attention to the policies of the imperialists, and consider Islam to be simply the few topics you are always studying and never go beyond them, then the imperialists will leave you alone. Pray as much as you like; it is your oil they are after -- why should they worry about your prayers? They are after our minerals, and want to turn our country into a market for their goods. That is the reason the puppet governments they have installed prevent us from industrializing, and instead, establish only assembly plants and industry that is dependent on the outside world." (pp. 38-39.)

2) Khomeini believes in a "militant," revolutionary Islam.

"We have in reality, then, no choice but to destroy those systems of government that are corrupt in themselves and also entail the corruption of others, and to overthrow all treacherous, corrupt, oppressive, and criminal regimes. ... In order to assure the unity of the Islamic umma, in order to liberate the Islamic homeland from occupation and penetration by the imperialists and their puppet governments, it is imperative that we establish a government. In order to attain the unity and freedom of the Muslim peoples, we must overthrow the oppressive governments installed by the imperialists and bring into existence an Islamic government of justice that will be in the service of the people." (pp. 48-49.)

3) Khomeini believes the government should be governed by Islamic ideas and enforced by Muslim jurists. Khomeini does not believe in contextualizing Islam. He repeatedly states that the same laws that governed people during the Prophet's era -- ie, cutting off of hands, stoning, etc. -- should govern people today. "The Glorious Qu'ran and the Sunna contain all the laws and ordinances man needs in order to attain happiness and the perfection of his state." (p. 44.)

"All the penal provisions of Islam, which represent the best penal code ever devised for humanity, have been completely forgotten; nothing but their name has survived. As for the Qu'ranic verses stipulating penalties and sanctions, 'Nothing remains of them but their recitation.' For example, we recite the verse: 'Administer to the adulterer and the adulteress a hundred lashes each' (24:2), but we do not know what to do when confronted with a case of adultery. We merely recite the verse in order to improve the quality of our recitation and to give each sound its full value. The actual situation prevailing in our society, the present state of the Islamic community, the prevalence of lewdness and corruption, the protection and support extended by our governments to adultery -- none of this concerns us! It is enough that we understand what penalties have been provided for the adulterer and the adulteress without attempting to secure their implementation or otherwise struggling against the existence of adultery in our society!

I ask you , is that the way the Most Noble Messenger conducted himself? Did he content himself with reciting the Qu'ran, then lay it aside and neglect to ensure the implementation of its penal provisions? Was it the practice of the successors of the Prophet to entrust matters to the people and tell them 'We have no further concern with you'? Or, on the contrary, did they decree penalties for various classes of offender -- whippings, stonings, perpetual imprisonment, banishment? Examine the sections of Islamic law relating to penal law and blood money: you will see that all of these matters are part of Islam and part of the reason for the coming of Islam. Islam came inorder to establish order in society; leadership and government are for the sake of ordering the affairs of society. It is our duty to preserve Islam." (p. 75)

4) Khomeini's vision of an Islamic government is a surprisingly despotic one, though he explicitly claims it is not despotic. Specifically, Khomeini rejects democracy, claims that the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet should govern all (rather than the will of the people), and claims that the faqih - - a jurist both just and knowledgeable of all Islamic law - - should govern the people without checks and balances from a legislative or judicial branch of government.

"[Islamic government] is not constitutional in the current sense of the word, i.e., based on the approval of laws in accordance with the opinion of the majority. It is constitutional in the sense that the rulers are subject to a certain set of conditions in governing and administering the country, conditions that are set forth in the Noble Qu'ran and the Sunna of the Most Noble Messenger. ... The fundamental difference between Islamic government, on the one hand, and constitutional monarchies and republics, on the other, is this: whereas the representatives of the people or the monarch in such regimes engage in legislation, in Islam the legislative power and competence to establish laws belongs exclusively to God Almighty. The Sacred Legislator of Islam is the sole legislative power. No one has the right to legislate and no law may be executed except the law of the Divine Legislator. It is for this reason that in an Islamic government, a simple planning body takes the place of the legislative assembly that is one of the three branches of government. This body draws up programs for the different ministries in the light of the ordinances of Islam and thereby determines how public services are to be provided across the country." (pp. 55-56).

5) Khomeini basically believed that God appointed him leader of Iran, and there's a surprising lack of humility when he discusses the role of the Islamic ruler. Khomeini says the ruler of an Islamic government must be a faqih who has knowledge of the provisions and ordinances of Islam and who is just, in that he has excellence in belief and morals. (p. 60). "The ruler must also possess excellence in morals and belief: he must be just and untainted by major sin. Anyone who wishes to enact the penalties provided by Islam (i.e., to implement the penal code), to supervise the public treasury and the income and expenditures of the state, and to have God assign to him the power to administer the affairs of His creatures must not be a sinner. God says in the Quran: "My covenant does not embrace the wrongdoer" (2:124); therefore, He will not assign such functions to an oppressor or sinner." (p. 60.)

"Today, the Fuqaha of Islam are proofs to the people. Just as the Most Noble Messenger was the proof of God -- the conduct of all affairs being entrusted to him so that whoever disobeyed him had a proof advanced against him -- so, too, the fuqaha are the proof of the Imam to the people. All the affairs of the Muslims have been entrusted to them. God will advance a proof and argument against anyone who disobeys them in anything concerning government, the conduct of Muslim affairs, or the gathering and expenditure of public funds." (p. 87.) -- Khomeini basically makes it a religious crime to disagree with him.

6) Khomeini believed that an Islamic ruler steps into the shoes of the Prophet and the Imams. "The two qualities of knowledge of the law and justice are present in countless fuqaha of the present age. If they would come together, they could establish a government of universal justice in the world. If a worthy individual possessing these two qualities arises and establishes a government, he will posses the same authority as the Most Noble Messenger in the administration of society, and it will be the duty of all people to obey him." (p. 62.)

"There cannot be the least doubt that the tradition we have been discussing refers to the governance of the faqih, for to be a successor means to succeed to all the functions of prophethood." (p. 72.)

"{Imam] Ali relates ... that the Most Noble Messenger said: "The fuqaha are the trustees of the prophets, as long as they do not concern themselves with the illicit desires, pleasures, and wealth of this world. ...

'The fuqaha are the trustees of the prophets' is not that the fuqaha are trustees simply with respect to the giving of juridical opinions. For in fact the most important function of the prophets is the establishment of a just social system through the implementation of laws and ordinances. ... This emerges clearly from the following Qu'ranic verse: 'Veril We have sent Our messengers with clear signs, and sent down with them the Book and the Balance, in order that men might live in equity.' (57:25). The general purpose for the sending of prophets, then, is so that men's lives may be ordered and arranged on the basis of just social relations and true humanity may be established among men. This is possible only by establishing government and implementing laws, whether this is accomplished by the prophet himself, as was the case with the Most Noble Messenger or by the followers who come after him." (p. 76-77)

7) Khomeini provides that the true ruler of the People is Islamic law, that the jurist is not above Islamic law, and that a jurist that acts contrary to Islamic law must be dismissed.

"Since Islamic government is a government of law, those acquainted with the law, or more precisely, with religion -- i.e., the fuqaha -- must supervise its functioning. It is they who supervise all executive and administrative affairs of the country, together with all planning. ... If a faqih acts in contradiction to the criteria of Islam (God forbid!), then he will automatically be dismissed from his post, since he will have forfeited his quality of trustee. Law is actually the ruler; the security of all is guaranteed by the law, and law is their refuge. Muslims and the people in general are free within the limits laid down by the law; when they are acting in accordance with the provisions of the law, no one has the right to them, 'Sit here,' or 'Go there.'...

When an Islamic government is established, all will live with complete security under the protection of the law, and no ruler will have the right to take any step contrary to the provisions and laws of the immaculate shari'a" (pp. 79-80) -- interesting points; notably, he does not discuss what body will have authority to dismiss the faqih, or what authority will determine the faqih has acted contrary to Islam. Also, implicit in Khomeini's argument here is an assumption he explicitly states earlier, which is that Islam is an all-encompassing religion, which is why he believes that the fuqaha should basically have power over all aspects of running the country -- ie, he believes that the religion actually has rules governing every aspect of a country. Bani Sadr mentions in his book that when Khomeini came to power, Khomeini basically realized this was not true. That Islam obviously does not have a comprehensive blueprint for how every aspect of society should be run.

5) Khomeini is definitely not an apologist for Islam. He appears to see no reason to develop a nation's judicial system beyond what existed 1400 years ago, and he references - - and basically says "yeah, so what?"to - - the more controversial aspects of Islamic law (e.g., stoning for adultery, lashing for drinking, hand cutting for stealing). He laments the fact that legal proceedings aren't adjudicated in an afternoon, instead sometimes taking years. "A case that a shari'a judge in earlier times settled in one or two days cannot be settled now in 20 years." (p. 32)

6) Khomeini's speeches would be jaw-droppingly offensive in today's age, since he's pretty racist. In the book's first lecture, he begins with the anti-Semitic trope that Jews are the source of all evil, and he derisively refers to Native Americans as "half-savage redskins." (pp. 27-28.)

7) Khomeini does not seem to be an advocate of women's rights: "The first step came in October 1962, when the Shah promulgated a law abolishing the requirement that candidates for election to local assemblies be Muslim and male. Imam Khomeini, joined by religious leaders elsewhere in the country, protested vigorously against the measure; it was ultimately repealed." (p. 16)

8) On khums (I actually really like this opinion): "For example, khums is a huge source of income that accrues to the treasury and represents one item in the budget. ... It is obvious that such a huge income serves the purpose of administering the Islamic state and meeting all its financial needs. If we were to calculate one-fifth of the surplus income of all the Muslim countries (or of the whole world, should it enter the fold of Islam), it would become fully apparent that teh purpose for the imposition of such a tax is not merely the upkeep of the sayyids or the religious scholars, but on the contrary, something far more significant -- namely, meeting the financial needs of the great organs and institutions of government. If an Islamic government is achieved, it will have to be administered on the basis of the taxes that Islam has established -- khums, zakat, jizya, and kharaj. How could the sayyids ever need so vast a budget? The khums of the bazaar of Baghdad would be enough for the needs of the sayyids and the upkeep of the religious teaching institution ....The provision of such a huge budget must obviously be for the purpose of forming a government and administering the Islamic lands. It was established with the aim of providing for the needs of the people, for public services related to health, education, defense, and economic development." (pp. 44-45.)

9) Khomeini believed that Islam must be a practical religion that actually affects people's lives. Islam is not a religion of merely reciting words without implementing them. He, like Ali Shariati in 'Fatima is Fatima' chastises scholars for focusing entirely too much on issues of ritual cleanliness and not nearly enough on aspects of life that actually affect the people. For this reason, he views Khums, for example, not just as a means to help sayyeds, but as the means to form a government to help all people.

"You can be the true successors to the Prophet as the guardians of Islam only if you teach Islam to the people; do not say 'We will wait until the coming of the Imam of the Age." Would you consider postponing your prayer until the coming of the Imam? The preservation of Islam is even more important than prayers. Do not follow the logic of the governor of Khumayn who used to say: 'We promote sin so that the Imam of the Age will come. If sin does not prevail, he will not manifest himself!' Do not sit here simply debating among yourselves." (p. 76.)

"Is Islam simply something to be written down in books like al-Kafi and then laid aside? If the ordinances of Islam are not applied and the penal provisions of the law are not implemented in the external world -- so that the thief, the plunderer, the oppressor, and the embezzler all go unpunished, while we content ourselves with preserving thebooks of law, kissing them and laying them aside (even treating the Qu'ran itself this way), and reciting Ya-Sin on Thursday nights -- can we say that Islam has been preserved" (p. 81) -- his point here being that the fuqahah must implement the laws in the same way the Imams/Prophets did.
--
Random note on the Shah:

The Shah was pretty terrible: "If further proof were needed of the Shah's tutelage to the US, it came in October 1964, when legal immunity was granted to American personnel for all offenses committed in Iranian territory." (p. 18) -- this capitulation led to one of Khomeini's best speeches: "They have reduced the Iranian people to a level lower than that of an American dog. If someone runs over a dog belonging to an American, he will be prosecuted. ... But if an American cook runs over the Shah, the head of state, no one will have the right to interfere with him." (p. 182.)

[Nazari · Rating 4 out of 5]

Si queremos hablar de Revolución Verdadera, la Revolución Islámica es lo primero determinante y trascendente que ha vivido nuestro último siglo. Más allá de las definiciones conceptuales de lo que es una revolución, este acontecimiento marcó un hito en la geopolítica global liderada por Ruhollah Musavi Jomeini, y culminó con la injerencia de potencias extranjeras en el país, la expulsión del Sha Reza Pahlavi y el establecimiento de la República Islámica de Irán en 1979.

https://vientodeoccidente.blogspot.co...

[Kev Nickells · Rating 4 out of 5]

So from the outset I should probably say that he's not always a nice man. I really wouldn't recommend this if you're sensitive to antisemitism.

But there's a lot here to give context on stuff I don't know a great deal about. The situation of the Shah in Iran. The kind of multiple pincers of Ba'athism, capitalism, communism. The grotesque imperialism of the US and the UK. The false friends of various quasi-universalisms which elide difference (eg, liberal fiats, human rights).

It definitely puts a bunch of meat on the bones of some of the sort of political structures we've seen play out elsewhere - that kind of entrenchment of nationalism, local values in the face of global imperialism (there's elements of this visible in, say, Zimbabwe).

It's fascinating though. I don't want to be read wrong here - I'm absolutely supportive of the need for nationalism(s) which are respectful of local values and understandings and that cargo diplomacy of the US has continued to fuck shit up - Khomeini was well aware of that and offered a series of notions of self-governance which are - critically - informed massively by Islam but don't purport to be theocratic; rather using the strong Qu'ranic traditions of interpretation and dialogical deference.
It's an incomplete picture, I think - you get a flavour of his polemic, his political systems, and his theology, but someone of his standing obviously has a lot more writing, much of it (presumably) untranslated. His Theology is great - he's very clear to insert humility between himself and a 'correct' interpretation of the Qu'ran.

Anyway, yeah - it's a really fascinating snapshot into the whys and hows of the Islamic revolution and paints a really interesting, detailed snapshot of Iranian nationalist / shi'i informed systems of governance.

Also as a sidenote - there's a very healthy and useful amount of footnotes explaining stuff for the non-Muslim reader, and the translation feels like it's got a lot of affection for the source material, which is not always the case with translations of Islamic writings, I've found.

[Matthew]

If you're looking for a view into the mind of this man, a good place to start. It's a collection of his speeches, statements, interviews, and select publications regarding Islamic jurisprudence. Also in here is the publication where he lays out his vision for an Islamic government / state.

Favorite part - where he says the story of Jesus turning the other cheek couldn't possibly be true because no Prophet would ever do something so stupid, and that this story is an invention of imperialists designed to keep Muslims docile in the face of violence. Speaks volumes to his worldview.

[Xdyj]

It's interesting how much of what he did was in the name of the Nation, of Reason, of Humanity, of Freedom, how much he understands modern science and western culture, yet still steeped deeply in anticommunism, antisemitism and antiamericanism. No wonder his ideas attracted so many western fellow travellers from both the left and the right. Also an example that intellect and genuine spirituality are compatible with almost any kind of political ideal.

[Yaotl Altan · Rating 5 out of 5]

Khomeini represents one of the most importants leaders in Third World nations. Becuase of his political ideology, Iran isn't anymore the old colony exploited by foreign nations. Now they rule their lives.

Si bien es un libro sobre sus declaraciones, también se podría considerar como biografía.

[Ammar · Rating 4 out of 5]

First of all, I would like to commend Hamid Algar's translation. The several footnotes in the book help readers who are not Muslims or familiar with Islamic terms to better comprehend the material.

The book contains Khomeini's book "Islamic Government" and several speeches, lectures and interviews. In "Islamic Government", Khomeini lays out the principles of the concept of Vilayat e-Faqih i.e Guardianship of the Jurists. He lays the basis of this system on the Prophet Muhammad's society in Medina and Imam Ali's rule; arguing that Islam is not just an esoteric, inward religion that deals with trivial daily matters. Rather, it is a religion that deals with the society. Therefore, it needs not only to deal with jurisprudential matters in the theoretical sense, but also to contain an executive branch with a political authority to provide the livelihood of the people and uphold justice. Throughout the book, Khomeini extensively uses evidence from the Quran, hadith and the examples of the Imams to support the Vilayat e-Faqih.

One has to also remember the environment that he lived in. As evidenced throughout the book and especially when reading the speeches and letters, Iran was suffering under the imperialist grip of USA and the puppet regime of the Shah. Therefore, his fiery anti-imperialist rhetoric should be understood against the backdrop of monarchical Iran's humiliating condition. It is no surprise that such a charismatic leader, who was more than capable to challenge the materialists systems of his age (of East and West) to awaken the Iranian nation and overthrow the Shah and install the Islamic Republic.

To understand the Islamic Republic's transformation from a puppet state to its current status as a regional power, one must understand Khomeini and the concept of Vilayat e-Faqih which has provided a strong basis for modern Iran.

[Kevin Bell · Rating 3 out of 5]

Khomeini was a brilliant man, but his writing lacks force. Either way it's an interesting read.