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Democracy in America: Specially Edited and Abridged for the Modern Reader
No better study of a nation's institutions and culture than Tocqueville's Democracy in America has ever been written by a foreign observer; none perhaps as good." —New York Times
Richard D. Heffner, historian, radio and television commentator, and author of A Documentary History of the United States , has selected Tocqueville's most striking and pertinent passages to make this masterful political critique available in a compact, inexpensive edition for the modern reader.
Richard D. Heffner, historian, radio and television commentator, and author of A Documentary History of the United States , has selected Tocqueville's most striking and pertinent passages to make this masterful political critique available in a compact, inexpensive edition for the modern reader.
320 pages, Mass Market Paperback
Published February 1, 1956
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About the author
Alexis de Tocqueville
906 books1,253 followersAlexis Charles Henri Clérel, comte de Tocqueville, usually known as just Tocqueville, was a French aristocrat, diplomat, sociologist, political scientist, political philosopher, and historian. He is best known for his works Democracy in America (appearing in two volumes, 1835 and 1840) and The Old Regime and the Revolution (1856). In both, he analyzed the living standards and social conditions of individuals as well as their relationship to the market and state in Western societies. Democracy in America was published after Tocqueville's travels in the United States and is today considered an early work of sociology and political science.
Tocqueville was active in French politics, first under the July Monarchy (1830–1848) and then during the Second Republic (1849–1851) which succeeded the February 1848 Revolution. He retired from political life after Louis Napoléon Bonaparte's 2 December 1851 coup and thereafter began work on The Old Regime and the Revolution. Tocqueville argued the importance of the French Revolution was to continue the process of modernizing and centralizing the French state which had begun under Louis XIV. He believed the failure of the Revolution came from the inexperience of the deputies who were too wedded to abstract Enlightenment ideals.
Tocqueville was a classical liberal who advocated parliamentary government and was skeptical of the extremes of majoritarianism. During his time in parliament, he was first a member of the centre-left before moving to the centre-right, and the complex and restless nature of his liberalism has led to contrasting interpretations and admirers across the political spectrum.
Tocqueville was active in French politics, first under the July Monarchy (1830–1848) and then during the Second Republic (1849–1851) which succeeded the February 1848 Revolution. He retired from political life after Louis Napoléon Bonaparte's 2 December 1851 coup and thereafter began work on The Old Regime and the Revolution. Tocqueville argued the importance of the French Revolution was to continue the process of modernizing and centralizing the French state which had begun under Louis XIV. He believed the failure of the Revolution came from the inexperience of the deputies who were too wedded to abstract Enlightenment ideals.
Tocqueville was a classical liberal who advocated parliamentary government and was skeptical of the extremes of majoritarianism. During his time in parliament, he was first a member of the centre-left before moving to the centre-right, and the complex and restless nature of his liberalism has led to contrasting interpretations and admirers across the political spectrum.
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Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews
July 25, 2023
Caveat: I read the 320 page abridged version, so some of my complaints may be simple misunderstandings.
I'll start by saying that I'm not sure what gives a 25 year-old rich French kid on a pleasure cruise through the New World the credibility to make completely unsupported assertions on the political and social climate of early America and have them accepted as gospel.
After slogging through 300 or so pages, I'm exceedingly grateful that this abridged version exists, because I can't imagine ever wasting the time on the complete edition. I was interested in reading a book that has been perpetually hailed for its timeliness, foresight, and penetrating insight into early American democracy, but I was sorely disappointed on every single front.
Tocqueville does occasionally make some interesting observations. In the beginning he spends a significant amount of time talking about the political power inherent in the townships (i.e. small, local groups), which is an incredibly important point, and one still relevant today. It was also particularly interesting to me after reading Hannah Arendt's On Revolution, where she heavily emphasizes the same. (Incidentally, I highly recommend Arendt's analysis of the beginning of our country and the formation of the Constitution -- it is much more penetrating than Tocqueville, mainly because she's insanely brilliant and had the benefit of hindsight.)
Later in the book, there is a 2-3 page section in chapter 34 ("How An Aristocracy May Be Created By Manufactures") that I found particularly prescient, essentially describing the division and alienation of labor about a half-century before Marx popularized the idea.
These two observations were about the extent of the positives. The rest is so mired in sweeping generalizations and arrogant condescension as to be virtually worthless. His analysis of the manners and temperament of the American people is completely irrelevant now, but couldn't have been much more relevant then since it was based on only one man's observation (and since he was clearly writing with an aristocratic chip on his shoulder).
His predictions, which are hailed as so sage, are wrong at least half the time, making him about as wise as me. My favorite was when he talked about how unlikely it would be for the U.S. to experience a civil war, and this a whopping 25 years before civil war broke out.
There are two huge oversights that led Tocqueville to severely miscalculate America's trajectory. One -- the rise of corporations and their near-invincible power -- was only hinted at in Ch. 34, but its omission is forgiveable since the phenomenon was not necessarily intuitive. In reality, Tocqueville's "tyranny of the majority" is a red herring, because an elite oligarchy ended up controlling everything more or less by the beginning of the 20th century.
His other oversight, however, was less pardonable. He spent shockingly little time talking about how easily manipulable by propaganda his tyrannical majority would be. This would essentially make them a tool of the wealthy elite. His only references to public opinion were oblique and clearly not indicating anything like the extent of the media manipulation that we started to see, again around the turn of the 20th century. His reference to a free press hints at it, but the omission of a deeper discussion is noticeable.
I could give more examples, through quotations, of some of the generalizations I'm talking about, but I honestly don't want to waste the time. Instead, I'll give my favorite quote, from Ch. 48 ("Why Great Revolutions Will Become More Rare"). I like it because it is actually timely, describing pretty deftly what is going on right now in the U.S.:
I must admit that overall I am glad to have gotten the general idea of what people are talking about when they refer to Tocqueville. It's darn impressive to pen a thousand page study of the political and social landscape of early America. Even if you're only right around half the time, it still takes some impressive nerve to give it a go.
Not Bad Reviews
@pointblaek
I'll start by saying that I'm not sure what gives a 25 year-old rich French kid on a pleasure cruise through the New World the credibility to make completely unsupported assertions on the political and social climate of early America and have them accepted as gospel.
After slogging through 300 or so pages, I'm exceedingly grateful that this abridged version exists, because I can't imagine ever wasting the time on the complete edition. I was interested in reading a book that has been perpetually hailed for its timeliness, foresight, and penetrating insight into early American democracy, but I was sorely disappointed on every single front.
Tocqueville does occasionally make some interesting observations. In the beginning he spends a significant amount of time talking about the political power inherent in the townships (i.e. small, local groups), which is an incredibly important point, and one still relevant today. It was also particularly interesting to me after reading Hannah Arendt's On Revolution, where she heavily emphasizes the same. (Incidentally, I highly recommend Arendt's analysis of the beginning of our country and the formation of the Constitution -- it is much more penetrating than Tocqueville, mainly because she's insanely brilliant and had the benefit of hindsight.)
Later in the book, there is a 2-3 page section in chapter 34 ("How An Aristocracy May Be Created By Manufactures") that I found particularly prescient, essentially describing the division and alienation of labor about a half-century before Marx popularized the idea.
These two observations were about the extent of the positives. The rest is so mired in sweeping generalizations and arrogant condescension as to be virtually worthless. His analysis of the manners and temperament of the American people is completely irrelevant now, but couldn't have been much more relevant then since it was based on only one man's observation (and since he was clearly writing with an aristocratic chip on his shoulder).
His predictions, which are hailed as so sage, are wrong at least half the time, making him about as wise as me. My favorite was when he talked about how unlikely it would be for the U.S. to experience a civil war, and this a whopping 25 years before civil war broke out.
There are two huge oversights that led Tocqueville to severely miscalculate America's trajectory. One -- the rise of corporations and their near-invincible power -- was only hinted at in Ch. 34, but its omission is forgiveable since the phenomenon was not necessarily intuitive. In reality, Tocqueville's "tyranny of the majority" is a red herring, because an elite oligarchy ended up controlling everything more or less by the beginning of the 20th century.
His other oversight, however, was less pardonable. He spent shockingly little time talking about how easily manipulable by propaganda his tyrannical majority would be. This would essentially make them a tool of the wealthy elite. His only references to public opinion were oblique and clearly not indicating anything like the extent of the media manipulation that we started to see, again around the turn of the 20th century. His reference to a free press hints at it, but the omission of a deeper discussion is noticeable.
I could give more examples, through quotations, of some of the generalizations I'm talking about, but I honestly don't want to waste the time. Instead, I'll give my favorite quote, from Ch. 48 ("Why Great Revolutions Will Become More Rare"). I like it because it is actually timely, describing pretty deftly what is going on right now in the U.S.:
. . .When property becomes so fluctuating, and the love of property so restless and so ardent, I cannot but fear that men may arrive at such a state as to regard every new theory as a peril, every innovation as an irksome toil, every social improvement as a stepping-stone to revolution, and so refuse to move altogether for fear of being moved too far. I dread, and I confess it, lest they should at last so entirely give way to a cowardly love of present enjoyment, as to lose sight of the interests of their future selves and those of their descendants; and prefer to glide along the easy current of life, rather than to make, when it is necessary, a strong and sudden effort to a higher purpose.
I must admit that overall I am glad to have gotten the general idea of what people are talking about when they refer to Tocqueville. It's darn impressive to pen a thousand page study of the political and social landscape of early America. Even if you're only right around half the time, it still takes some impressive nerve to give it a go.
Not Bad Reviews
@pointblaek
October 31, 2014
Alexis de Tocqueville explains the systematics of our government very well in Democracy in America. The author writes about the completely unheard of government that the United States of America had created. The book begins by giving a lay out of what the American government is and what it is based upon. Th author then goes into the first settlements and first basis of government in the new world. He talks about the Constitution and its principles, including the basis of the federal versus the state government. De Tocqueville goes into great detail about the advantages and disadvantages of a federal government and a state government. nearing the end of his analyzation, he talks about our economy compared to that of the frenchman's home country. At the end, the author compares the government of a democracy to that of an aristocracy.
Near the ending of the analyzation, de Tocqueville makes the statement, "I do not regard the American Constitution as the best, or as the only one, which a democratic people may establish. In showing the advantages which the Americans derive from the government of democracy, I am therefore very far from meaning, or from believing, that similar advantages can only be obtained from the same laws,” (De Tocqueville 263) This caught me by surprise because a man that dedicates a significant amount of his time to writing a book about a government would, in theory, have either an insanely poor opinion or a relatively positive take on it. The author seemed stuck dead in the middle between absolutely despising it and loving it more than life.
I would recommend this book to anyone who is needing to either brush up on their American Government, or to someone who loves civics and history. I rated this book with 5 stars because, although some of the thoughts were unorganized, de Tocqueville clearly got down onto paper what needed to be said about the American government at the time this book was originally published. This book is an easy way to get a simple introduction into how the United States works.
Near the ending of the analyzation, de Tocqueville makes the statement, "I do not regard the American Constitution as the best, or as the only one, which a democratic people may establish. In showing the advantages which the Americans derive from the government of democracy, I am therefore very far from meaning, or from believing, that similar advantages can only be obtained from the same laws,” (De Tocqueville 263) This caught me by surprise because a man that dedicates a significant amount of his time to writing a book about a government would, in theory, have either an insanely poor opinion or a relatively positive take on it. The author seemed stuck dead in the middle between absolutely despising it and loving it more than life.
I would recommend this book to anyone who is needing to either brush up on their American Government, or to someone who loves civics and history. I rated this book with 5 stars because, although some of the thoughts were unorganized, de Tocqueville clearly got down onto paper what needed to be said about the American government at the time this book was originally published. This book is an easy way to get a simple introduction into how the United States works.
March 6, 2018
This book and its messages are well covered, so I will try to keep this short -- and limited only to my own experience and reflections. Overall, I was glad to mark this "classic" off my list and definitely enjoyed reading Tocqueville's (translated) words directly. His writings were more complex and thoughtful than I had anticipated, and his perspective on democracy in America was not universally positive (as I had naively anticipated). The picture of an American that emerged to me was one who is industrious, practical, and opportunistic. Through the book, I felt myself pulled into antebellum America (helped by the perspective I've just gathered through American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House ) -- though I was still surprised by how many recognizable pieces of American culture had already formed in America's first half century. Though it was easy to laugh at some thoughts that were off base to the modern reader (such as gender roles) or did not come to fruition (such as the idea that a democracy would be hard pressed to become a "Great Power" or produce great art), we have the benefit of time and hindsight... and overall I was amazed at how prescient this work was and significant chunks that tie very closely to the National narrative and my own personal experiences with America's uniqueness..
October 28, 2014
This book changed my thinking, it's as simple as that. I read this for a History class at Penn State/Delco, in the 1990's. It's about class, and what interests America(Americans) according to a 'young French nobleman' who toured America & wrote about it in the 1830's.
I marked it up and re-read parts of it so many times that it's in terrible shape, but it sits in a wooden fruit box with the rest of my collection I call 'all time favorites'.
I marked it up and re-read parts of it so many times that it's in terrible shape, but it sits in a wooden fruit box with the rest of my collection I call 'all time favorites'.
January 20, 2015
America defined, and over 165 years ago…
This abridged version is an excellent summary of “Democracy in America.” Tocqueville knocked me off my feet when I read this book in 1997 and look forward to the full version in 2015. It’s the best and worst in America, laid bare by a Frenchman who came to The States in 1835 to find for himself whether individuality, freedom and liberty could survive the dangers of equality and democracy. “[The nation] depends on [its people to determine] whether the principle of equality is to lead them to servitude or knowledge, to freedom or barbarism…” writes de Tocqueville. Only an outsider could so accurately assess a people. But de Tocqueville is eminently balanced, overall in favor (in my opinion) of what he saw, and thus dismissed in France upon his return.
He notes an American addiction to the practical rather than theoretical. A pragmatic concern, not for the lofty and perfect, but quick and useful, with relentless ambition, feverish activity, and unending quests for devices and shortcuts. Resulting from a requirement for survival on the frontier, these observations remain the good, bad and ugly of our modern selves. Resourceful technocrats expanding comfort, health, safety or wealth by anyone with ingenuity and persistence; our exchange of youth for old age in the workplace, improving our standard of living at the expense of our quality of life; and America’s shallow nature of thought, sealed up in sound-bites.
Tocqueville finds in the sacred name of majority, a tyranny over the mind of Americans as oppressive and formidable as any other tyranny – arguably more so by virtue of its acceptance. Where monarchs failed to control thought, democracy succeeds. Opinion polls our politicians subscribe to have a power of conformity. “I know of no country in which there is so little independence of mind and real freedom of discussion as in America,” he writes. “It is as if the natural bond which unites the opinions of man to his tastes, and his actions to his principles is now broken…”
Of literature and art we see why so much pulp crowds the bookshelf and bamboozles fill our galleries; “Style will frequently be fantastic, incorrect, overburdened and loose,” he writes. “Almost always vehement and bold. Authors will aim at rapidity of execution more than at perfection of detail… The object of authors will be to astonish rather than to please, to stir the passions more than charm the taste.”
A fascinating evolution of perception - of self and state - unfolds as the democratization of education, property ownership and the vote expands. Wiping away the trappings of privilege transforms the serfdom mindset. We see the perception of opinion as both scoffed when originating in individuals other than ourselves, and, conversely, the worship of opinion as a manifestation of majority rule. Americans, once lionizing the intrepid individual, instead took a turn to having the most pride in their sameness. Armed with this understanding, today we see each group define itself by its signals – body language, speech cadence and inflection, vocabulary and dress. Every group has its code words, actions and look. A time consuming process of investigating character is exchanged for quicker, simpler signs.
The climax is reached with de Tocqueville’s troubling “either or”; “We must understand what is wanted of society and its government,” he writes. “Do you wish to give a certain elevation of the human mind and teach it to regard the things of this world with generous feelings, to inspire men with a scorn of mere temporal advantages, to form and nourish strong convictions and keep alive a spirit of honorable devotedness? Is it your object to refine the habits, embellish the manners and cultivate the arts, to promote the love of poetry, beauty and glory? If you believe such to be the principle object of society, avoid the government of democracy, for it would not lead you with certainty to the goal.
“But if you hold it expedient to divert the moral and intellectual activity of man to the production of comfort and promotion of general well being; if a clear understanding be more profitable to a man than genius; if your object be not to stimulate the virtues of heroism, but the habits of peace; if you had rather witness vices and crimes and are content to meet with fewer noble deeds, provided offences be diminished in the same proportion; if, instead of living in the midst of a brilliant society you are contented to have prosperity around you…to ensure the greatest enjoyment and to avoid the most misery…then establish democratic institutions.” Tocqueville, one of those rare and timeless human treasures.
This abridged version is an excellent summary of “Democracy in America.” Tocqueville knocked me off my feet when I read this book in 1997 and look forward to the full version in 2015. It’s the best and worst in America, laid bare by a Frenchman who came to The States in 1835 to find for himself whether individuality, freedom and liberty could survive the dangers of equality and democracy. “[The nation] depends on [its people to determine] whether the principle of equality is to lead them to servitude or knowledge, to freedom or barbarism…” writes de Tocqueville. Only an outsider could so accurately assess a people. But de Tocqueville is eminently balanced, overall in favor (in my opinion) of what he saw, and thus dismissed in France upon his return.
He notes an American addiction to the practical rather than theoretical. A pragmatic concern, not for the lofty and perfect, but quick and useful, with relentless ambition, feverish activity, and unending quests for devices and shortcuts. Resulting from a requirement for survival on the frontier, these observations remain the good, bad and ugly of our modern selves. Resourceful technocrats expanding comfort, health, safety or wealth by anyone with ingenuity and persistence; our exchange of youth for old age in the workplace, improving our standard of living at the expense of our quality of life; and America’s shallow nature of thought, sealed up in sound-bites.
Tocqueville finds in the sacred name of majority, a tyranny over the mind of Americans as oppressive and formidable as any other tyranny – arguably more so by virtue of its acceptance. Where monarchs failed to control thought, democracy succeeds. Opinion polls our politicians subscribe to have a power of conformity. “I know of no country in which there is so little independence of mind and real freedom of discussion as in America,” he writes. “It is as if the natural bond which unites the opinions of man to his tastes, and his actions to his principles is now broken…”
Of literature and art we see why so much pulp crowds the bookshelf and bamboozles fill our galleries; “Style will frequently be fantastic, incorrect, overburdened and loose,” he writes. “Almost always vehement and bold. Authors will aim at rapidity of execution more than at perfection of detail… The object of authors will be to astonish rather than to please, to stir the passions more than charm the taste.”
A fascinating evolution of perception - of self and state - unfolds as the democratization of education, property ownership and the vote expands. Wiping away the trappings of privilege transforms the serfdom mindset. We see the perception of opinion as both scoffed when originating in individuals other than ourselves, and, conversely, the worship of opinion as a manifestation of majority rule. Americans, once lionizing the intrepid individual, instead took a turn to having the most pride in their sameness. Armed with this understanding, today we see each group define itself by its signals – body language, speech cadence and inflection, vocabulary and dress. Every group has its code words, actions and look. A time consuming process of investigating character is exchanged for quicker, simpler signs.
The climax is reached with de Tocqueville’s troubling “either or”; “We must understand what is wanted of society and its government,” he writes. “Do you wish to give a certain elevation of the human mind and teach it to regard the things of this world with generous feelings, to inspire men with a scorn of mere temporal advantages, to form and nourish strong convictions and keep alive a spirit of honorable devotedness? Is it your object to refine the habits, embellish the manners and cultivate the arts, to promote the love of poetry, beauty and glory? If you believe such to be the principle object of society, avoid the government of democracy, for it would not lead you with certainty to the goal.
“But if you hold it expedient to divert the moral and intellectual activity of man to the production of comfort and promotion of general well being; if a clear understanding be more profitable to a man than genius; if your object be not to stimulate the virtues of heroism, but the habits of peace; if you had rather witness vices and crimes and are content to meet with fewer noble deeds, provided offences be diminished in the same proportion; if, instead of living in the midst of a brilliant society you are contented to have prosperity around you…to ensure the greatest enjoyment and to avoid the most misery…then establish democratic institutions.” Tocqueville, one of those rare and timeless human treasures.
May 27, 2020
Although this is a classic of observation on American society and politics at a formative period in the nation's history, and required reading for political science students, the abstraction of the writer's language made this far too dull for me. Though I have a strong interest in history, along with an undergraduate degree, I could not force myself past page 50. At 68, I don't have the time.
Want to read
July 19, 2010i'm a sucker for cheap copies of influential writings regarding our founding as a nation. this one cost me $2.95 at myopic. sadly, i didn't realize it was an abridged version - and one that literally came with newt gingrich's seal of approval on the cover. gotta be more careful about that.
January 14, 2022
An absolutely astonishing book. Clear, insightful and incredibly prescient. De Tocqueville, a 19th century French aristocrat grasped the meaning of America better than the vast majority of her own citizens. This is a book that should not be missed by any American.
January 27, 2011
my paperback copy is a Mentor Book, published by The New America Library, c1956, Eighth printing
Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews