Though there was some interesting information in the book, the authors did not seem up to the challenge that they took on, and they did a hack-handed job of it.
I was not a fan of this Very Short Introduction.
Most of the books from this series are good works by scholars speaking to a general audience, presented in an unbiased manner. But the authors of this work seemed particularly biased against Neoliberalism. It is fine to have that position, and it does allow them to offer some interesting critiques of the ideology, but overall, it detracts from what these books are supposed to do, give an introduction to the topic, not to advocate for or against it.
Beyond the authors’ apparent tendentiousness, the book also suffered from structural issues. The second and third chapters look at Neoliberalism’s historical development, looking at first the era of Reagan and Thatcher and then Clinton and Blair. However, Chapters Four and Five organized around neoliberalism in Asia, Latin America and Africa. In these chapters, the author’s narrate numerous countries that seem only tangentially related to neoliberalism, and are certainly not worth putting in a “Very Short Introduction” to the topic.
The final chapter of the book is even more of a poor fit. I get it, they wanted to plug neoliberalism into the 2008 crisis and contemporary stories of interest to today’s readers, topics they are reading about in the paper. However, events close to our present moment are always difficult to interpret. Even the best historical analysts will have trouble understanding the repercussions of something that happened yesterday, as we do not know all the implications, we have not seen the consequences play out. And Roy and Steger are not great historians. In the end, their observations on recent events seem strained.
Their discussion of Argentina focused on the ways they perceived neoliberalism had hurt Argentina under the Kirchners, while not mentioning the couple’s widely-recognized fiscal irresponsibility. They try to frame the 2019 Hong Kong protests as a more economic protest against neo-liberalism rather than a political protest, which is an irresponsible assertion. Of course, the reason they do this is because they are trying too hard to fit events within their anti-neoliberal position. It does not work, but it is particularly inappropriate for general introductions like this.
They also seem surprisingly uninformed about China, though that makes up an important component of their argument. They suggest that Chairman Hu Jintao advanced neoliberal reforms in some areas, though, my understanding, having read a bit about Chinese economics, is that the consensus is that Hu advocated few if any reforms. Rather, his rule is marked by a stalling of reforms. But this kind of mistake is not surprising, considering the simple mistakes the authors make.
They repeatedly refer to Chairman Xi Jinping as “Jinping,” apparently ignorant of the fact that his surname is Xi: “Indeed, President Jinping has openly expressed his desire to work with Prime Minister Modi in elevating the relationship between Asia’s economic giants to a new level. On the diplomatic front, Jinping was among the first international leaders to congratulate Prime Minister Modi on his sweeping 2019 electoral victory. Marking a new era in Sino-Indian military cooperation, Beijing has since signaled that it intends to begin working with India on developing a new strategic partnership in order to advance their mutual security interests in the Indian Ocean. Jinping’ s promotion of Luo Zhaohui to…” Anyone regularly reading a newspaper would know that this is incorrect. Other mistakes about China were also glaring; they refer to the TPP as having China as a member. In fact, the TPP was conceived of in opposition to China. These kinds of mistakes suggest not only sorry editing on the part of Oxford, but also that Steger and Roy are writing about something that they know little about.