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Voices of the African Diaspora
Democracy in Twenty-First Century America: Race, Class, Religion, and Region
Democracy in Twenty-First Century America: Notes on Race, Class, Religion, and Region is an exercise in religious and political philosophy. Fundamentally concerned with the racial and economic crisis of democracy in the United States, this book engages the new face of inequality in America and the new challenges presented to the American democratic project.
138 pages, Paperback
First published June 30, 2012
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April 4, 2019
A call to expand, protect, and act out the fundamentals of democracy is a savvy method for instigating economic improvement and the repeal of racial discrimination and its material and psychological effects. Neal is convincing in his delivery, particularly towards the end of the work. Democracy does not function (or exist, really) when many citizens are not given access to opportunities -- when they are functionally invisible or illegible to those with power (the government, various elites, corporations).
Neal's formulation of the current problem places class at the center of the democratic problem for two reasons: this is what he has largely observed living in the American south and as a response to the shift in conservative rhetoric following the successes of the civil rights movement. That is, Dixiecrats (a la Strom Thurmond) ported themselves over to the Republican party while changing their language from segregation and racial superiority to an emphasis on class and individualism, patriotism and a focus on the family. In this articulation, the reality that class divisions are more than augmented by racial discrimination and prejudice is made abundantly clear.
Significant in this call to action, to a "Third Reconstruction," is Neal's reliance on the work of Benjamin Elijah Mays, the tireless scholar, theologian, activist, university president, and civil rights leader who left an indelible mark on Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Mays' work revolved closely around repealing Tillmanism (essentially the style of legal segregation, intimidation, and racial discrimination that abetted the construction and maintenance of Jim Crow policies) through the improvement of public and higher education in areas left behind by the first two reconstructions in American democracy (1864-1877 and 1954-1968). The logic of his argument is sound. Without access to mobility, education, work (and income), many Americans (often African-Americans) are left out of the benefits of democracy. The primary means out of this is through better education. But before and as we advocate for education and support for those left behind by our iterations of democracy, despite our periods of progress not necessarily limited to those reconstructions (though Neal largely limits our progress to those two periods), we must change attitudes among the elite and the middle class in the United States. The "us" vs. "them" mentality of the elite, educated, and privileged in this country (as well as perhaps among those without income and privilege), needs to be eradicated.
The necessity for the change of attitude is a restatement of the obvious principle of human fallibility in society (i.e., that our self-obsession leads us to make decisions that hurt others and that hurt democracy). To that end, Neal effectively argues that democracy is never complete; we must always analyze where democracy has left some behind in our country, where it needs to be expanded. Notably, that is large parts of the American south and urban centers across the board, rural areas in the south and midwest that are totally removed from the locus of power in American society. Neal includes rural and poor whites, which is consistent with his logic and his distaste for identity politics.
There are a few seriously notable typos (a random floating [ in the middle of a sentence, a few misspellings, and even calling George W. Bush George H. Bush at one point) that make this feel like a rushed manuscript. The analysis develops in iterations, not quickly, and is fairly repetitive. I found dismissals of Republican tax policy to be rather incomplete, even if many of the voices calling for those cuts have only the benefit of elites in mind (which is not the case, e.g., among poorer conservatives who don't trust corporations or Wall St. CEO types who field those tax breaks much if at all). There were also summaries of viewpoints or restated already-made arguments that went without citation, leaving me nowhere to go for further reference. And I was left thinking a few more stats to back the clear realities he describes would have driven this home even further. But despite those things, this is a crucial work. Absolutely the right approach to fixing our democracy, especially given the dubious rise of identity politics and rejuvenation of the mood of racial and national elitism under President Trump.
We should pursue leaders at local and national levels who prioritize the completion of democracy, who acknowledge that our project is not finished, and who resist the temptation to slash one portion of the population while they pay empty words to another. We should advocate for investment in the education of Americans on the margins of democracy, of our society. This man should be given a bigger platform.
Neal's formulation of the current problem places class at the center of the democratic problem for two reasons: this is what he has largely observed living in the American south and as a response to the shift in conservative rhetoric following the successes of the civil rights movement. That is, Dixiecrats (a la Strom Thurmond) ported themselves over to the Republican party while changing their language from segregation and racial superiority to an emphasis on class and individualism, patriotism and a focus on the family. In this articulation, the reality that class divisions are more than augmented by racial discrimination and prejudice is made abundantly clear.
Significant in this call to action, to a "Third Reconstruction," is Neal's reliance on the work of Benjamin Elijah Mays, the tireless scholar, theologian, activist, university president, and civil rights leader who left an indelible mark on Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Mays' work revolved closely around repealing Tillmanism (essentially the style of legal segregation, intimidation, and racial discrimination that abetted the construction and maintenance of Jim Crow policies) through the improvement of public and higher education in areas left behind by the first two reconstructions in American democracy (1864-1877 and 1954-1968). The logic of his argument is sound. Without access to mobility, education, work (and income), many Americans (often African-Americans) are left out of the benefits of democracy. The primary means out of this is through better education. But before and as we advocate for education and support for those left behind by our iterations of democracy, despite our periods of progress not necessarily limited to those reconstructions (though Neal largely limits our progress to those two periods), we must change attitudes among the elite and the middle class in the United States. The "us" vs. "them" mentality of the elite, educated, and privileged in this country (as well as perhaps among those without income and privilege), needs to be eradicated.
The necessity for the change of attitude is a restatement of the obvious principle of human fallibility in society (i.e., that our self-obsession leads us to make decisions that hurt others and that hurt democracy). To that end, Neal effectively argues that democracy is never complete; we must always analyze where democracy has left some behind in our country, where it needs to be expanded. Notably, that is large parts of the American south and urban centers across the board, rural areas in the south and midwest that are totally removed from the locus of power in American society. Neal includes rural and poor whites, which is consistent with his logic and his distaste for identity politics.
There are a few seriously notable typos (a random floating [ in the middle of a sentence, a few misspellings, and even calling George W. Bush George H. Bush at one point) that make this feel like a rushed manuscript. The analysis develops in iterations, not quickly, and is fairly repetitive. I found dismissals of Republican tax policy to be rather incomplete, even if many of the voices calling for those cuts have only the benefit of elites in mind (which is not the case, e.g., among poorer conservatives who don't trust corporations or Wall St. CEO types who field those tax breaks much if at all). There were also summaries of viewpoints or restated already-made arguments that went without citation, leaving me nowhere to go for further reference. And I was left thinking a few more stats to back the clear realities he describes would have driven this home even further. But despite those things, this is a crucial work. Absolutely the right approach to fixing our democracy, especially given the dubious rise of identity politics and rejuvenation of the mood of racial and national elitism under President Trump.
We should pursue leaders at local and national levels who prioritize the completion of democracy, who acknowledge that our project is not finished, and who resist the temptation to slash one portion of the population while they pay empty words to another. We should advocate for investment in the education of Americans on the margins of democracy, of our society. This man should be given a bigger platform.
Displaying 1 of 1 review