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Counsel to the President: A Memoir
The memoirs of a legendary White House advisor chronicle the five decades he spent as an influential figure in Oval Office decision-making, from the recognition of Israel to the Vietnam War. Reprint. Major ad/promo. K. NYT.
670 pages, Hardcover
First published May 21, 1991
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December 10, 2021
Clark Clifford operated at a very high level for a long time, being a fixture in Washington D.C. Democratic politics from the latter stages of WWII to the end of the Cold War. In his memoir, Clifford takes us quickly through his youth in St. Louis, then onto his stateside service in the Navy in WWII, to the White House as Special Counsel to President Harry Truman, his days as a high-powered and well-connected lawyer in D.C., his numerous errands for John F. Kennedy, his turbulent time as Secretary of Defense for Lyndon Johnson, and his reengagement in politics when Jimmy Carter came into the White House.
Like so many other people who end up having brilliant careers, Clifford benefitted from having a connection that really mattered, and being in the right place at the right time. Clifford's background was as a lawyer, and this in fact he mostly remained throughout his life. A friend from St. Louis was working as a Naval aide to Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal, and managed to get Clifford assigned there to assist him. Clifford, who had no intention of ever working outside of St. Louis, ended up making a favorable impression on his superiors, and before he knew it he was introduced to President Truman, and his career took off from there.
Clifford obviously must have done good work, as before long Truman noticed him and started having him come in for counsel and advise on speeches and other matters. Clifford gravitated to the foreign policy field and the timing proved propitious given the turmoil the world was in as WWII came to an end. Clifford had a major hand in Truman's decision to recognize Israel (in fact, he begins the book by recounting a dramatic confrontation with Secretary of State George Marshall in the Oval Office over the Israel issue). He also worked with Truman on developing the Truman Doctrine, his major speeches, and the creation of the modern National Security system in the late 40s. Clifford was a regular player in Truman's stag poker games, and usually accompanied him on his vacations to Key West. Burnt out on the long hours, and anxious to support his family better by returning to practicing law, Clifford left the Truman White House a few months before the Korean War started.
In the 1950s, Clifford concentrated on his law practice (Howard Hughes was a client for many years, although the two men never met in person). As the decade neared its end, he began to be called upon by John F. Kennedy for advice and legal representation in certain matters. When Kennedy became President, Clifford spurned multiple offers to return to the government, but did accept appointment to the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, which gave him a high security clearance and drew him closer to the administration. I got the sense that Clifford's relationship with Kennedy was cordial and professional, and one of mutual respect, but not at all personal. Clifford disliked both Joseph Kennedy and Bobby Kennedy, with the latter returning mutual feelings. Nonetheless Clifford was an admirer of Kennedy and maintains that he would have been an influential President had he not been assassinated. As an aside, I noticed that Clifford was very circumspect about Kennedy's personal life, leaving the reader with a few cryptic comments alluding to personal issues.
It was also around this part of the book where Clifford wrote about the various people all jockeying for the 1960 Democratic nomination. From page 316: "Once a politician has reached the Senate or other high office, he inevitable begins to hear... that he would make a fine President. This is music to any politician's ears, but it conceals a dangerous virus not yet identified by the medical profession - the Presidential bug. Watching politicians caught in its grip, I have often thought that this ailment has but one cure - embalming fluid."
Clifford also had a relationship with Lyndon Johnson, and when Johnson became President, he pestered Clifford constantly about joining his administration. Clifford was rightly weary of coming to work directly for Johnson, believing that he could be more effective as an outside adviser, much as he was to Kennedy. Yet Johnson drew him in closer and closer on Vietnam, until finally Clifford relented and agreed to replace Robert McNamara as Secretary of Defense for the final year of Johnson's presidency. Clifford spends a lot of time explaining his position on the war: he was not initially in favor of it, then when he realized that Johnson had made up his mind to escalate it, he gave complete support for a few years, only to then turn against Johnson's policies once he actually became Secretary. As one can imagine, that made for some rough sailing with Johnson, and it caused a dissolution of their previously friendly relations. Also, by shifting positions, Clifford left himself open to charges of flip-flopping and inconsistency. While Clifford makes a compelling case for it being more nuanced than that, I still came away thinking that he had been inconsistent and that he probably should not have taken the job.
After enduring the Nixon years (and being placed on the "Enemies List" so he later found out), Clifford enjoyed a rebirth with Jimmy Carter's ascendancy. By this time, Clifford was an elder statesman both in the legal profession and the Democratic Party. Carter met with Clifford a few times prior to his election but did not seem too enthusiastic about any advice that Clifford gave. Yet once he got into office, he called on Clifford for multiple projects and had Clifford heavily involved in various assignments until a heart attack slowed him down for awhile. Clifford clearly respected Carter for his honesty and commitment to human rights, but was quite disappointed with how poorly he managed the presidency and his inability to stop needing to be involved in every single thing that was going on.
Clifford does a nice job of separating the book out into the specific parts of his life, and all of the chapters are nicely divided up amongst even further with their own headings. I wish more authors did this. Assisted by Richard Holbrooke, the writing is excellent and lively. Of course, being at or near the center of power doesn't hurt in telling interesting stories. Largely absent, however, is much if any talk of his family life. You would hardly know that he had children. With all of the heavy-duty assignments that he had in addition to running his law practice, I doubt he was around a lot. His wife Marny is frequently mentioned, but only as accompanying him to a dinner or an event. I got the sense that Clifford wanted to write a frank memoir while keeping his private life mostly out of view.
Also absent was any mention of the deaths of Truman and Johnson. This surprised me. Clifford was very close to Truman and clearly had a great deal of admiration for the man. Add in the fact that Truman basically made his career take off. Yet the last direct mention of Truman is during the 1960 presidential campaign. I came away wondering if Clifford kept in touch with Truman in his final years, and what his thoughts were when Truman died. But Clifford chose not to write about that. Same thing with Johnson. While not as close to Johnson, and possessing a strained relationship after he left the presidency due to Vietnam, Clifford still respected him enormously for his many domestic achievements. I thought that Clifford missed a chance to give a final summation on what those two men meant to him personally when they passed.
Clifford finishes with a final chapter summing up his observations from spending almost a half century in Washington, D.C., the men he worked for and with, and the events that he witnessed or were involved in. He also writes about the then-current (1992) state of the country, and much of what he wrote made me think about what is going on today. Form page 654: "Equal opportunity in theory has not created equal opportunity in reality.... Above all it has not eliminated prejudice as a way of thinking. By this I mean prejudice of all sorts - not just anti-black feelings among many whites, but anti-white feelings among many blacks. The white racists who have opposed the civil rights movement have their black counterparts: all are to be equally condemned." He continued on to write about class struggles between well-off citizens and those who are poor and about a "decline of civility". I can only imagine what Clifford would think about the state of affairs and politics today.
Grade: A
Like so many other people who end up having brilliant careers, Clifford benefitted from having a connection that really mattered, and being in the right place at the right time. Clifford's background was as a lawyer, and this in fact he mostly remained throughout his life. A friend from St. Louis was working as a Naval aide to Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal, and managed to get Clifford assigned there to assist him. Clifford, who had no intention of ever working outside of St. Louis, ended up making a favorable impression on his superiors, and before he knew it he was introduced to President Truman, and his career took off from there.
Clifford obviously must have done good work, as before long Truman noticed him and started having him come in for counsel and advise on speeches and other matters. Clifford gravitated to the foreign policy field and the timing proved propitious given the turmoil the world was in as WWII came to an end. Clifford had a major hand in Truman's decision to recognize Israel (in fact, he begins the book by recounting a dramatic confrontation with Secretary of State George Marshall in the Oval Office over the Israel issue). He also worked with Truman on developing the Truman Doctrine, his major speeches, and the creation of the modern National Security system in the late 40s. Clifford was a regular player in Truman's stag poker games, and usually accompanied him on his vacations to Key West. Burnt out on the long hours, and anxious to support his family better by returning to practicing law, Clifford left the Truman White House a few months before the Korean War started.
In the 1950s, Clifford concentrated on his law practice (Howard Hughes was a client for many years, although the two men never met in person). As the decade neared its end, he began to be called upon by John F. Kennedy for advice and legal representation in certain matters. When Kennedy became President, Clifford spurned multiple offers to return to the government, but did accept appointment to the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, which gave him a high security clearance and drew him closer to the administration. I got the sense that Clifford's relationship with Kennedy was cordial and professional, and one of mutual respect, but not at all personal. Clifford disliked both Joseph Kennedy and Bobby Kennedy, with the latter returning mutual feelings. Nonetheless Clifford was an admirer of Kennedy and maintains that he would have been an influential President had he not been assassinated. As an aside, I noticed that Clifford was very circumspect about Kennedy's personal life, leaving the reader with a few cryptic comments alluding to personal issues.
It was also around this part of the book where Clifford wrote about the various people all jockeying for the 1960 Democratic nomination. From page 316: "Once a politician has reached the Senate or other high office, he inevitable begins to hear... that he would make a fine President. This is music to any politician's ears, but it conceals a dangerous virus not yet identified by the medical profession - the Presidential bug. Watching politicians caught in its grip, I have often thought that this ailment has but one cure - embalming fluid."
Clifford also had a relationship with Lyndon Johnson, and when Johnson became President, he pestered Clifford constantly about joining his administration. Clifford was rightly weary of coming to work directly for Johnson, believing that he could be more effective as an outside adviser, much as he was to Kennedy. Yet Johnson drew him in closer and closer on Vietnam, until finally Clifford relented and agreed to replace Robert McNamara as Secretary of Defense for the final year of Johnson's presidency. Clifford spends a lot of time explaining his position on the war: he was not initially in favor of it, then when he realized that Johnson had made up his mind to escalate it, he gave complete support for a few years, only to then turn against Johnson's policies once he actually became Secretary. As one can imagine, that made for some rough sailing with Johnson, and it caused a dissolution of their previously friendly relations. Also, by shifting positions, Clifford left himself open to charges of flip-flopping and inconsistency. While Clifford makes a compelling case for it being more nuanced than that, I still came away thinking that he had been inconsistent and that he probably should not have taken the job.
After enduring the Nixon years (and being placed on the "Enemies List" so he later found out), Clifford enjoyed a rebirth with Jimmy Carter's ascendancy. By this time, Clifford was an elder statesman both in the legal profession and the Democratic Party. Carter met with Clifford a few times prior to his election but did not seem too enthusiastic about any advice that Clifford gave. Yet once he got into office, he called on Clifford for multiple projects and had Clifford heavily involved in various assignments until a heart attack slowed him down for awhile. Clifford clearly respected Carter for his honesty and commitment to human rights, but was quite disappointed with how poorly he managed the presidency and his inability to stop needing to be involved in every single thing that was going on.
Clifford does a nice job of separating the book out into the specific parts of his life, and all of the chapters are nicely divided up amongst even further with their own headings. I wish more authors did this. Assisted by Richard Holbrooke, the writing is excellent and lively. Of course, being at or near the center of power doesn't hurt in telling interesting stories. Largely absent, however, is much if any talk of his family life. You would hardly know that he had children. With all of the heavy-duty assignments that he had in addition to running his law practice, I doubt he was around a lot. His wife Marny is frequently mentioned, but only as accompanying him to a dinner or an event. I got the sense that Clifford wanted to write a frank memoir while keeping his private life mostly out of view.
Also absent was any mention of the deaths of Truman and Johnson. This surprised me. Clifford was very close to Truman and clearly had a great deal of admiration for the man. Add in the fact that Truman basically made his career take off. Yet the last direct mention of Truman is during the 1960 presidential campaign. I came away wondering if Clifford kept in touch with Truman in his final years, and what his thoughts were when Truman died. But Clifford chose not to write about that. Same thing with Johnson. While not as close to Johnson, and possessing a strained relationship after he left the presidency due to Vietnam, Clifford still respected him enormously for his many domestic achievements. I thought that Clifford missed a chance to give a final summation on what those two men meant to him personally when they passed.
Clifford finishes with a final chapter summing up his observations from spending almost a half century in Washington, D.C., the men he worked for and with, and the events that he witnessed or were involved in. He also writes about the then-current (1992) state of the country, and much of what he wrote made me think about what is going on today. Form page 654: "Equal opportunity in theory has not created equal opportunity in reality.... Above all it has not eliminated prejudice as a way of thinking. By this I mean prejudice of all sorts - not just anti-black feelings among many whites, but anti-white feelings among many blacks. The white racists who have opposed the civil rights movement have their black counterparts: all are to be equally condemned." He continued on to write about class struggles between well-off citizens and those who are poor and about a "decline of civility". I can only imagine what Clifford would think about the state of affairs and politics today.
Grade: A
August 25, 2017
I've had this book on my shelf for several years but was uninterested in reading it. The name Clark Clifford was only vaguely known to me. It was when I read George Ball's memoirs that Clifford's role in history started becoming clear to me.
Clifford, for much of has Washington career, was somehow both an insider and outsider. He was an insider in that he was close to the levers of power during the Truman, Kennedy, and Johnson administrations, and to a lesser degree, Carter. He was an outsider in that he never held a cabinet post or high government position until the last year of Johnson's presidency.
You could easily break the book down into three sections, corresponding to the presidents he advised: Truman, Kennedy, Johnson. These sections cover the major issues of the day, international and domestic. The most in-depth part of the book covers 1968 when he served as Secretary of Defense. The entire book is 665 pages of text; about 130 of that is 1968. That was a year of great events, but great events don't happen in isolation; they're an integral part of the mosaic of people and happenings. Clifford does a great job of placing the events of 1968 in their greater context and gives us his analysis of how 1968 affects us even today, nearly two decades after the book was written.
Anybody looking to learn more about the Democratic presidents of the Cold War era would be rewarded by reading this book.
Clifford, for much of has Washington career, was somehow both an insider and outsider. He was an insider in that he was close to the levers of power during the Truman, Kennedy, and Johnson administrations, and to a lesser degree, Carter. He was an outsider in that he never held a cabinet post or high government position until the last year of Johnson's presidency.
You could easily break the book down into three sections, corresponding to the presidents he advised: Truman, Kennedy, Johnson. These sections cover the major issues of the day, international and domestic. The most in-depth part of the book covers 1968 when he served as Secretary of Defense. The entire book is 665 pages of text; about 130 of that is 1968. That was a year of great events, but great events don't happen in isolation; they're an integral part of the mosaic of people and happenings. Clifford does a great job of placing the events of 1968 in their greater context and gives us his analysis of how 1968 affects us even today, nearly two decades after the book was written.
Anybody looking to learn more about the Democratic presidents of the Cold War era would be rewarded by reading this book.
April 5, 2023
Clifford offers a somewhat unique perspective on the history of the past 60+ years in the U.S. having been a close advisor to multiple (Democratic) presidents. Most interesting to me were the discussions on Vietnam during the Johnson administration. He was there when the key decisions (mostly to escalate) were made. Clifford himself started out in opposition to the war but once the decision was made to escalate, he became something of a hawk. On becoming Secretary of Defense, he became an advocate of quick deescalation.
March 6, 2014
Not a book that I really enjoyed. I've always thought Clark Clifford as smart, qualified but a little full of himself. Too many times, he found the opportunity to come to his own defense and try to establish his importance in U.S. History more than I personally felt was fair.
May 29, 2017
This exceptional memoir provides an inside look at key Truman, LBJ, JFK & Carter policies. I highly recommend this book.
August 6, 2024
“Some years ago, Clark Clifford published a book, written with Richard Holbrook, called Counselors of the President, in which they told some part of the story about Kissinger’s obstruction of the ‘68 peace talks and about why they kept quiet about it for so long. That’s why I say that everyone in Washington, everyone in the professional, political and journalistic class, knows that the ‘68 election was subverted in order to make us carry on an illegal war. And that brings us to a kind of Shakespearian crisis of legitimacy in the state, which is why all these important people don’t want to mention it and why it’s not going to be taught in school. You couldn’t have a chat show on television that took as its assumption that this subversion happened in 1968. It cannot be said in front of the citizenry. It can be known only by those whose job it is to know these things.” - Christopher Hitchens
July 2, 2023
Most eye-opening and educational book I’ve read in the last four decades. I believe this is a book that our students should be mandated to read as part of their high school civics curriculum. also explains why our former presidents, many senators, and congressmen have documents in their home that are classified. What doesn’t make sense is why this would be illegal considering they could be the author or co-author of said document or mandated to read for a subcommittee.
May 22, 2021
I read this as part of a Readers Digest Best Non fiction Book, so a condensed version but it covered all the ground that I would need and very well too.It included the career and assessment of Roosevelt,Truman,Eisenhower,Kennedy and more lightly Nixon and Carter.
Very clear exposition and with enough detail to live again those political crises.Well worth a read for political/history buffs.
Very clear exposition and with enough detail to live again those political crises.Well worth a read for political/history buffs.
October 9, 2017
Great book...Clifford was the inner circle advisor to everyone from the 40's-90.... extremely well written....
August 4, 2019
A memoir of the Democrat's Democrat, the party's postwar fixer.
February 5, 2021
A fascinating book with many firsthand insights into multiple presidencies. Clifford was one of Johnson's "wise men" so was a member of a very exclusive informal club of advisors.
August 13, 2009
Writing my review of The Cat from Hue A Vietnam War Story made me think of this book. Wrote this review several years ago, but Laurence's book provides a similar view from the perspective of the media.
Clifford's comments about the political processes involved in making decisions at high levels of government are what make this memoir so intriguing. It gave me lots of insight into many of the decisions regarding Vietnam and the considerable policy disagreements that existed in the Cabinet and at other levels of the administration. Clifford's explanation of the Tet and Khe Sanh operations are instructive.
Khe Sanh, viewed as a great military victory for U.S. forces, represented an astonishing failure of U.S. military intelligence. The North Vietnamese were using Khe Sanh as a diversion to engage our best troops in that remote region so they could launch the Tet Offensive.
Tet's impact on the U.S. government morale was immeasurable and resulted in almost complete bureaucratic paralysis. Clifford describes everyone as being in a state of near panic. The confidence of the public in the United States and Vietnam governments was destroyed. Their faith was not abolished by the media (as right-wing revisionists would have us believe), but by the failure of government to deliver on its promises. According to Clifford, press reporting by and large reflected the official U.S viewpoint. When Johnson called Tet a complete North Vietnamese failure, Senator George Aiken of Vermont replied, "If this is a failure, I hope the VietCong never have a major success." Despite Westmoreland's optimism and his call for more troops, the Joint Chiefs were less sanguine. In a secret report they noted that pacification had been discontinued and enormous numbers of refugees would inevitably overwhelm the South. In addition, the South Vietnamese army was beginning to unravel.
Sometimes merely scheduling a presidential speech forces policy decisions. It requires the administration to clarify policies that may not otherwise be fully developed. (This might be a good reason for regular presidential addresses.)
Clifford suggests that Johnson sabotaged Humphrey's election chances by forcing the Democratic party to accept a platform destined to split the party over the war. That, in turn, led to the debacle in Chicago. More tragically, he insinuates that Johnson conspired with and helped Nixon during the campaign. Nixon was also aided by Bui Diem, the South Vietnamese ambassador, who relayed information on the peace talks to the Republicans, who in turn were suggesting to Thieu, through Anna Chennault, to maintain a firm stand. Their secret connection was discovered by American intelligence. Johnson decided not to reveal this grossly illegal interference with national security affairs and this decision, which might have embarrassed the Republicans, helped to seal Humphrey's fate.
It's a shame that to find out what really happened one always has to wait 20 years. But that's what makes history so alluring. Beats any soap opera.
Clifford's comments about the political processes involved in making decisions at high levels of government are what make this memoir so intriguing. It gave me lots of insight into many of the decisions regarding Vietnam and the considerable policy disagreements that existed in the Cabinet and at other levels of the administration. Clifford's explanation of the Tet and Khe Sanh operations are instructive.
Khe Sanh, viewed as a great military victory for U.S. forces, represented an astonishing failure of U.S. military intelligence. The North Vietnamese were using Khe Sanh as a diversion to engage our best troops in that remote region so they could launch the Tet Offensive.
Tet's impact on the U.S. government morale was immeasurable and resulted in almost complete bureaucratic paralysis. Clifford describes everyone as being in a state of near panic. The confidence of the public in the United States and Vietnam governments was destroyed. Their faith was not abolished by the media (as right-wing revisionists would have us believe), but by the failure of government to deliver on its promises. According to Clifford, press reporting by and large reflected the official U.S viewpoint. When Johnson called Tet a complete North Vietnamese failure, Senator George Aiken of Vermont replied, "If this is a failure, I hope the VietCong never have a major success." Despite Westmoreland's optimism and his call for more troops, the Joint Chiefs were less sanguine. In a secret report they noted that pacification had been discontinued and enormous numbers of refugees would inevitably overwhelm the South. In addition, the South Vietnamese army was beginning to unravel.
Sometimes merely scheduling a presidential speech forces policy decisions. It requires the administration to clarify policies that may not otherwise be fully developed. (This might be a good reason for regular presidential addresses.)
Clifford suggests that Johnson sabotaged Humphrey's election chances by forcing the Democratic party to accept a platform destined to split the party over the war. That, in turn, led to the debacle in Chicago. More tragically, he insinuates that Johnson conspired with and helped Nixon during the campaign. Nixon was also aided by Bui Diem, the South Vietnamese ambassador, who relayed information on the peace talks to the Republicans, who in turn were suggesting to Thieu, through Anna Chennault, to maintain a firm stand. Their secret connection was discovered by American intelligence. Johnson decided not to reveal this grossly illegal interference with national security affairs and this decision, which might have embarrassed the Republicans, helped to seal Humphrey's fate.
It's a shame that to find out what really happened one always has to wait 20 years. But that's what makes history so alluring. Beats any soap opera.
August 20, 2009
Better than a history textbook. Clark Clifford was a first-hand witness to many historical events in the last half of the 20th Century. He served as Naval Aide, then Counsel to President Truman, was Johnson's second Secretary of Defense, and advised Presidents Kennedy and Carter on a number of issues. The reader is a fly on the wall in the White House and Pentagon. A must for anyone interested in U.S. history.
May 25, 2008
I remember reading this book excerpted in the New yorker in the spring of 1991 at my first job in NY that was so boring I was able to read the New Yorker cover to cover on the job. I loved learning so much about American history and really came to idolize Clifford - this was before the BCCI scandal broke.
November 23, 2023
I read this years ago and found it riveting. There are many lawyers working in any given presidential administration, but none have the front seat view like *the* counsel to the President. Clark Clifford gives a detailed view, his writing style made this riveting. Excellent book. The more I think about it, this would be a book I would read again.
November 24, 2016
One of the best books on the Truman era I've read.
It covers this major behind the scenes player who worked with every Democratic President from Truman through Carter. One of those rare books that makes you fight sleep to read just a bit more.
Highly recommended for anyone with interest in 20th century Presidential history and politics.
It covers this major behind the scenes player who worked with every Democratic President from Truman through Carter. One of those rare books that makes you fight sleep to read just a bit more.
Highly recommended for anyone with interest in 20th century Presidential history and politics.
August 30, 2010
An important and insightful book, even if the author is often pompus and self-serving. But then he can be as he outlived most of them except McNamara. But an important book for any student of the Vietnam era.
Read
August 4, 2016Fascinating inside view of what shaped our nation following WWII. At times, the timeline was confusing when talking about one event then bring other same time events later into view. Seemed, at time, it was me, me, me. Overall enjoyed debates of important events of my life.
March 28, 2011
Excellent! Well worth you time. From a man that did most of work behind the scenes. Part of the 'King-maker' crowd.
Read
December 3, 2012excellent
Displaying 1 - 20 of 20 reviews