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Holy Madness: Romantics, Patriots, and Revolutionaries, 1776-1871
An epic history of the "age of revolution" covers the gamut, from the American and French revolutions of the eighteenth century to the Polish uprisings and liberation of South American in the nineteenth century. Reprint.
520 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1999
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769 people want to read
About the author
Adam Zamoyski
27 books309 followersA historian and a member of the ancient Zamoyski family of Polish nobility. Born in New York City and raised in England. He is Chairman of the Board of the Princes Czartoryski Foundation. On June 16, 2001, in London, England, he married the artist Emma Sergeant.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 32 reviews
July 16, 2020
In premise, this is more of a meditation on history than a 'strict' history book. Zamoyski had some thoughts on nationalism, and faith, and wrote this book to explore his thoughts. The general theme is that as the church lost its place of primacy in European society, the habits of thought remained, and devotion got redirected to the idea of 'the state'.
It's an interesting idea, and he's certainly onto something. I'd kind of like something a bit less nebulous, though it'd probably go over my head. At any rate, in Holy Madness, it's obvious that he has found every case of religious imagery, or ecstatic feeling in the writings of 19th Century revolutionaries. But I wonder how much (or really, how many people) doesn't follow that theme? Perhaps its a consistent tone/theme across the vast bulk of them, but since there's no examination of that, there's no way to know. Certainly, he does show a strong ideal of martyrdom in a lot of writings.
Overall, there's certainly some very interesting things going on here. The end of the French Revolution and Napoleon left a lot of people with unfulfilled dreams in Europe. Whenever some new 'national project' came up these people would show up to try to help, aiding revolutions with fundraising for arms, and a people who could form up revolutionary units to fight for a glorious death in the name of liberty. The three decades after 1815 in Europe aren't dangerous for the ideals unleashed to cause the population to rise up (the general population in the countryside often wanted no part of it), but instead dangerous for all the flotsam and jetsam of previously wrecked hopes washing back and forth across the continent.
Post 1848... 'revolutionary society' is shown to be the transition out of the age. Some of what these men have been fighting for is happening politically. The new idealists have very different views, and the people who are powering all this struggle are aging out. The social circles get smaller every year, and while they still hold their decades old grudges, its becoming harder to fire everyone up for a new cause.
To a certain extent the formation of Italy and Germany mark the end of the movements this book is following, but it's not quite presented that way, with things tending to trail off, not quite off-screen, but not really focused on. As with any natural process, there's no neat end, no turning of the page, though there is further summary of where some of these passions went next.
It's an interesting idea, and he's certainly onto something. I'd kind of like something a bit less nebulous, though it'd probably go over my head. At any rate, in Holy Madness, it's obvious that he has found every case of religious imagery, or ecstatic feeling in the writings of 19th Century revolutionaries. But I wonder how much (or really, how many people) doesn't follow that theme? Perhaps its a consistent tone/theme across the vast bulk of them, but since there's no examination of that, there's no way to know. Certainly, he does show a strong ideal of martyrdom in a lot of writings.
Overall, there's certainly some very interesting things going on here. The end of the French Revolution and Napoleon left a lot of people with unfulfilled dreams in Europe. Whenever some new 'national project' came up these people would show up to try to help, aiding revolutions with fundraising for arms, and a people who could form up revolutionary units to fight for a glorious death in the name of liberty. The three decades after 1815 in Europe aren't dangerous for the ideals unleashed to cause the population to rise up (the general population in the countryside often wanted no part of it), but instead dangerous for all the flotsam and jetsam of previously wrecked hopes washing back and forth across the continent.
Post 1848... 'revolutionary society' is shown to be the transition out of the age. Some of what these men have been fighting for is happening politically. The new idealists have very different views, and the people who are powering all this struggle are aging out. The social circles get smaller every year, and while they still hold their decades old grudges, its becoming harder to fire everyone up for a new cause.
To a certain extent the formation of Italy and Germany mark the end of the movements this book is following, but it's not quite presented that way, with things tending to trail off, not quite off-screen, but not really focused on. As with any natural process, there's no neat end, no turning of the page, though there is further summary of where some of these passions went next.
November 11, 2019
I gave Holy Madness five stars because, although there are some issues with the book, ultimately the key concepts are so important that I would never hesitate to recommend it.
The best parts of the book are toward the beginning; the preface can be read as a highly illuminating essay in its own right. In essence, Holy Madness demolishes many of the myths about the "Age of Enlightenment". This is usually celebrated as the advent of rational thinking, liberty, science, etc, and it is an article of faith that it was a decisive break with the past, to the benefit of all. The French Revolution is the centerpiece for this tendentious version of history; Ian Davidson's "The French Revolution: From Enlightenment to Tyranny" is a perfect example of that sort of garbage history that ignores the reality to preach a cherished fiction. Zamoyski does not seem to be ideologically disposed to refuting the ubiquitous nonsense that is propagated about the Enlightenment, so much as he seems to have recognized that the facts that are generally obscured are at complete odds with this interpretation.
For example, influential books were written about the American colonies, and the indigenous peoples living in the "state of nature", by men who had never left Europe. All evidence that contradicted their fantasies of an idyllic life in the "state of nature" was ignored, and those who visited the new American republic after it had won its independence came away dismayed at the reality of what "enlightened" European thought believed was a paradise. Similarly, these supposedly rational people who abhorred established religion tended to create elaborate rituals to honor "the nation", and venerated sacred relics of leaders like Giuseppe Garibaldi or Napoleon Bonaparte, and even believed ludicrous things such as that Garibaldi was literally invincible, or that Napoleon would be resurrected from death, to return and liberate Europe. These same people had no skepticism when it came to supposedly ancient national epics that had been fabricated by authors keen to meet the need for a foundation myth. Perhaps most absurdly, while these revolutionaries claimed to be working for "the people" they usually found either indifference, or worse yet, "the people" they claimed to be liberating would savagely defend the status quo.
The less brilliant aspects of the book arise from the fact that Zamoyski's intent is not polemical. Although he presents evidence that is a challenge to many conventional beliefs about the "Age of Enlightenment", Zamoyski is honest when he describes his book as a meditation, without a thesis or conclusion. After the brilliant insights early in the book, Zamoyski essentially sets about detailing all of the related insurrections and revolutions between the establishment of the Corsican Republic in 1755 and the Paris Commune in 1871. This, unfortunately, becomes something of a bland recitation of the facts of an enormous number of major and minor conflicts, without much in the way of analysis or argument until the final chapter.
Nevertheless, despite the somewhat excessively detailed recounting of so many conflicts, Zamoyksi has written a very insightful book that brings forward the reality of the heavily mythologized era. Anyone who wants to truly understand the course of human history would do well to read this account, rather than the endless supply of virtually fictional accounts that trumpet the glories f the era.
The best parts of the book are toward the beginning; the preface can be read as a highly illuminating essay in its own right. In essence, Holy Madness demolishes many of the myths about the "Age of Enlightenment". This is usually celebrated as the advent of rational thinking, liberty, science, etc, and it is an article of faith that it was a decisive break with the past, to the benefit of all. The French Revolution is the centerpiece for this tendentious version of history; Ian Davidson's "The French Revolution: From Enlightenment to Tyranny" is a perfect example of that sort of garbage history that ignores the reality to preach a cherished fiction. Zamoyski does not seem to be ideologically disposed to refuting the ubiquitous nonsense that is propagated about the Enlightenment, so much as he seems to have recognized that the facts that are generally obscured are at complete odds with this interpretation.
For example, influential books were written about the American colonies, and the indigenous peoples living in the "state of nature", by men who had never left Europe. All evidence that contradicted their fantasies of an idyllic life in the "state of nature" was ignored, and those who visited the new American republic after it had won its independence came away dismayed at the reality of what "enlightened" European thought believed was a paradise. Similarly, these supposedly rational people who abhorred established religion tended to create elaborate rituals to honor "the nation", and venerated sacred relics of leaders like Giuseppe Garibaldi or Napoleon Bonaparte, and even believed ludicrous things such as that Garibaldi was literally invincible, or that Napoleon would be resurrected from death, to return and liberate Europe. These same people had no skepticism when it came to supposedly ancient national epics that had been fabricated by authors keen to meet the need for a foundation myth. Perhaps most absurdly, while these revolutionaries claimed to be working for "the people" they usually found either indifference, or worse yet, "the people" they claimed to be liberating would savagely defend the status quo.
The less brilliant aspects of the book arise from the fact that Zamoyski's intent is not polemical. Although he presents evidence that is a challenge to many conventional beliefs about the "Age of Enlightenment", Zamoyski is honest when he describes his book as a meditation, without a thesis or conclusion. After the brilliant insights early in the book, Zamoyski essentially sets about detailing all of the related insurrections and revolutions between the establishment of the Corsican Republic in 1755 and the Paris Commune in 1871. This, unfortunately, becomes something of a bland recitation of the facts of an enormous number of major and minor conflicts, without much in the way of analysis or argument until the final chapter.
Nevertheless, despite the somewhat excessively detailed recounting of so many conflicts, Zamoyksi has written a very insightful book that brings forward the reality of the heavily mythologized era. Anyone who wants to truly understand the course of human history would do well to read this account, rather than the endless supply of virtually fictional accounts that trumpet the glories f the era.
July 30, 2018
This was not terrible but not compelling enough for me to read the whole thing. The authorial tone bothered me and while he presented some interesting ideas, I didn't feel like really backed them up and did not do a good job of making it into a cohesive narrative.
December 2, 2016
A perhaps subtle swipe at Fukuyama at the end makes this already wonderful book one of my favorites.
August 17, 2016
Finally finished this!! For someone who loves this period of history, this was not a book I breezed through like some--took me several weeks, and at times I was tempted to quit, so this went into a special spot on my desk that I just read a few chapters daily. I usually don't like to read like this because the book then doesn't flow well with me, all that starting and stopping. However, this is a book you can easily do that with, because it has something of a textbook feel to it. It's very comprehensive, impressively so, and covers the world wide effect of the American/French Revolutions (really Rousseau if you want to find a single person to blame), which of course blossomed into world wide revolutions--and I think he connects that better than a lot of authors. For taking such a macro world view of the events, most of the chapters go from country to country in sometimes equisitely painful detail.
And I'm glad I read this. I realize how woefully ignorant I am of certain aspects of history and that I need to fix that. I've read about Simon Bolivar and Guisuppe Garibaldi before, but I guess I read nicer books, because this one makes Bolivar out to be a bloodthirsty maniac and Garibaldi, passionate but deluded, who threw away men's lives for a futile cause, that Italian unification happened because of a pragmatic monarch and nothing that he really accomplished. So I guess I need to read a lot more about South American and Italian history in particular. The last 100 pages or so I thought was actually the best in the book and he makes some very interesting connections between the American/French Revolutions --> Rise in Nationalism in 1848, especially Germany & Russia --> how that fed into Nazism & Communism --> Bosnian War & South American problems now. So I feel more informed on the causes and history around the world, but I'm not sure if for the same reasons as the author.
Since he also makes a case that it was all for naught. Tree of liberty chopped down in Paris, Poland perptually screwed, South American countries ruled by military dictators who never had people's interests at heart, and that in the end the old Victorianism fueled by materialism & commercialism (which probably gives us much in common with the Victorians) erased the gains that were made freedom wise. He also views most "liberators" as rabble rousers, lunatics, adventure seekers, and not in very flattering lights--but he does make a case it seems for quite a few of them. He also cites evidence that the every day person (peasant) has never been interested in war or nationstate really and will align with the monarch or establishment. Ironically for a book about romanticism, rather cynical.
And I'm glad I read this. I realize how woefully ignorant I am of certain aspects of history and that I need to fix that. I've read about Simon Bolivar and Guisuppe Garibaldi before, but I guess I read nicer books, because this one makes Bolivar out to be a bloodthirsty maniac and Garibaldi, passionate but deluded, who threw away men's lives for a futile cause, that Italian unification happened because of a pragmatic monarch and nothing that he really accomplished. So I guess I need to read a lot more about South American and Italian history in particular. The last 100 pages or so I thought was actually the best in the book and he makes some very interesting connections between the American/French Revolutions --> Rise in Nationalism in 1848, especially Germany & Russia --> how that fed into Nazism & Communism --> Bosnian War & South American problems now. So I feel more informed on the causes and history around the world, but I'm not sure if for the same reasons as the author.
Since he also makes a case that it was all for naught. Tree of liberty chopped down in Paris, Poland perptually screwed, South American countries ruled by military dictators who never had people's interests at heart, and that in the end the old Victorianism fueled by materialism & commercialism (which probably gives us much in common with the Victorians) erased the gains that were made freedom wise. He also views most "liberators" as rabble rousers, lunatics, adventure seekers, and not in very flattering lights--but he does make a case it seems for quite a few of them. He also cites evidence that the every day person (peasant) has never been interested in war or nationstate really and will align with the monarch or establishment. Ironically for a book about romanticism, rather cynical.
July 1, 2013
In the interest of full disclosure, I must admit up front that I have a weakness for the revolutionary history of the 19th century. It's a disease, I know, but I am fascinated by the dream of a better tomorrow, and all the forms it has taken. So I was predisposed to like this book. The thing is, this book is in some ways a paradox. It's an overview of European revolutionary history from the American Revolution to the fall of the Parisian Commune. But it is in no way suitable as an introductory tome on the topic, in my opinion. Zamoyski's thesis, that the myriad of better tomorrows, anticipated by the figures he mentions in this book, became religious in their fervor and unquestioning loyalty. To prove this, he covers all the major hot spots of the nineteenth century, and in doing so drops enough names to make Game of Thrones seem like No Exit. And yet, it's a fascinating book. A cheat sheet might be helpful, to keep track of various individuals who pop up again and again in the many abortive rebellions of the time, but that takes away from none of the grandeur and scope of the history contained herein. I do not recommend this as a reader's first foray into the period, but I recommend it to anyone who is at least somewhat familiar with the period and events covered.
October 5, 2022
Phenomenal literate overview of a century of Romantic revolutionary activity. Zamoyski begins with a short run-up to the American revolution in 1776, continues past the spiritual end of the era in the disastrous (for the Romantic revolutionaries) Springtime of Peoples in 1848, and closes with the putting-down of the Paris Commune after the resolution of the Franco-Prussian war in 1871.
Zamoyski isn't trying to be systematic or present a well-defined thesis, but he does draw general observations around a few main points. Briefly, that the Romantic revolutionaries were essentially religious, that they represent a natural human reaction to life in post-religious society, and that the hallmarks of Romantic patriotism persist today. The Third Reich, the Soviet Union, Che Guevara, and various Kalashnikov-bearing local militias all share similarities with Lafayette, Garibali, et. al.
The book is organized into long chapters - someone called them novellas, which is about right - that range from Europe to South America to North America, covering all the relevant upheavals and patriotic/revolutionary activity during a certain window of time. It's a well-written, entertaining, and hugely helpful survey that filled many gaps in my knowledge of this era. Recommended.
Zamoyski isn't trying to be systematic or present a well-defined thesis, but he does draw general observations around a few main points. Briefly, that the Romantic revolutionaries were essentially religious, that they represent a natural human reaction to life in post-religious society, and that the hallmarks of Romantic patriotism persist today. The Third Reich, the Soviet Union, Che Guevara, and various Kalashnikov-bearing local militias all share similarities with Lafayette, Garibali, et. al.
The book is organized into long chapters - someone called them novellas, which is about right - that range from Europe to South America to North America, covering all the relevant upheavals and patriotic/revolutionary activity during a certain window of time. It's a well-written, entertaining, and hugely helpful survey that filled many gaps in my knowledge of this era. Recommended.
maybe-read-sometime
July 22, 2013Okay, so after making it past the turgid introduction and first chapter, there's a chapter where the author starts talking about Lafayette and other important figures in pre-Revolutionary Paris. This is nifty info, I'm thinking this might actually be interesting, I'm skipping along when WHAM: dude casually drops the assertion that Benjamin Franklin was a double agent, feeding information to British intelligence. I look at the sources (from the 50s, 70s, 90s) and also come across this: so it seems at a minimum that this is more uncertain than Zamoyski makes it sound. (If you want to read an oh-yes-he-was source by the author of one of the sources Zamoyski cites, check this out.)
But that makes me wonder: what else is Zamoyski condensing? Should I take this information seriously? I think for now this one's going back to the library.
But that makes me wonder: what else is Zamoyski condensing? Should I take this information seriously? I think for now this one's going back to the library.
September 10, 2023
This book takes us through American Revolution, French Revolution, Napoleonic Period, Polish uprising, French XIX c Revolution, and Paris Commune.
The second group consisted of officers who went overseas with the consent of the French government, with no prospects in their own country. A typical representative was the Bavarian Johann von Robais Baron de Kalb. He served in the German and French armies, survived the battle of Fontenoy and became a lieutenant colonel at the end of the Seven Years' War. Killed at the Battle of Camden, covering the retreat of General Gates, August 1780.
The largest number of volunteers, about 600, came from Poland, they mostly recruited from the Confederates. Although the majority were officers and very brave people, their value was limited due to the language barrier. One of the exceptions was Casimir Pulaski, the son of the first marshal of the confederation. He wrote to Frankin in June 1777: "I dream of giving my life for such a true cause, I want to die on my bed of glory, I want to die at my post."
Tadeusz Kościuszko accepted the most radical aspects of the case and became an apostle of the cult of freedom.
Fredrich Wilhelm von Steuben, who knew so little English that he had to use an interpreter even when insulting his commentators, nevertheless taught Washington's army the basics of bayonet hand-to-hand combat.
During the last years of British rule, the colonists paid lower taxes than the inhabitants of the countries of the Western world, with the exception of Poles. By the end of the 1780s, Massechusetts' burdens had increased from one to eighteen shillings per capital, and from fivepence to ten shillings in Virginia. - 12 pence = 1 shilling. 240 pence = 1 pound. Farthing (f) – 4 farthings = 1 pence. 48 farthings = 1 shilling.
Taxes just sparked the American Revolution.
---
Thanks to the importance of their language, the French considered themselves the heirs of ancient Rome.
Germany was excluded from the Franco-Roman Catholic heritage by its language and the Reformation.
This was influenced by social conditions. The writers there, though intellectually outstanding, came from simple families and led a quiet life in provincial cities. Since there was no political or intellectual capital, they had no intellectual agora of their own (public forum).
When Goethe came from Leipzig to Frankfurt, his bizarre "foreignness" was mocked..
Oisín, first with the epic Fingal and the following year with Temora; both of these works were supposedly translations from 3rd-century Gaelic originals.
Land of the young - . Tír na nÓg is best known from the tale of Oisín and Niamhnt.
The world created by Ossian was imaginary region of the German mind.
As a student, Friedrich Hölderlin founded the Dichterbund, a poetic brotherhood, and recited his poems in the company of friends during its meetings. He hated the Germans for not being what they should be, and like Winckelmann he knew in ancient Greece the only way to save the "Holy shrine of youthful man." For them, ancient Greece was a state of mind rather than something that happened at a specific time and place. At the end, he prayed for her saving friendship to save the world.Hölderlin suffered from depression and schizophrenia. In 1802, when he was employed as a home tutor in the south of France, he suddenly disappeared, the owner of the palace came and asked if he was Greek, the despairing poet says he is German, for him being Greek is a state of grace, and being German is a lack of hope for salvation .
During the revolution of 1789, Louis Philippe was a member of the Jacobin club, future King of the French, served on Kellerman's staff at eighteen, recently promoted to lieutenant general.
Had an excellent idea, standing on the balcony next to the aged General La Fayetta, he began to wave the poisonous flag that he wrapped around the general, eliciting applause from the crowd. The duke became a favorite of Paris and two days later he was enthroned as Louis Phillip. - The French became brothers, the poor were still poor hungry stargazers, but they all got their dreams back.
Je vois déja drapeau tricolore
Demon pays embleme protecteur
Sur nose remparts gu'avec glorie il decore
Il est pour nous le singnal du bouheur
/
I can see the tricolor already
The protective emblem of my country
On our embankments/entrenchments he adorn with glory
It is a sign/symbol of happiness for us
Guizot was known for expanding public education, as well as his leadership of the Doctrinaires, a group of French politicians who supported a constitutional monarchy. He was a supporter of a representative system limited by property qualifications. - It is related to his slogan - Get rich!
Joseph Masters wrote: "The French Revolution has a satanic element that sets it apart from everything we know, and perhaps from everything we will ever witness."
In many countries, attempts were made to remedy the problems, in Belgium following the example of America, the slogan Manifesto of the Province of Flanders, announced in 1787, resounded. in fragments being faithful copies of the Declaration of Independence.
The Liège Revolution, sometimes known as the Happy Revolution against the reigning Prince-Bishop of Liège,
Another testing ground was Switzerland, the French instigated Swiss to the revolution, after it broke out they left it to its own fate. This scenario repeated itself in many other countries. But Poland was the hardest hit.
Catherine II entered Poland in 1792, considering Warsaw a 'crucible of Jacobins'. In April 1793, she initiated the second partition of the country and imposed a puppet government on the remaining piece of Poland, supported by the Royan army.All citizens were urged to sign an act of loyalty to the government imposed by Catherine, a refusal threatened with penalties that practically excluded oppositionists from public life.
In February 1974, Kościuszko came to Paris to seek support from France, visiting Brussels occupied by the French on the way, and paid a visit to the commander of the occupying forces, who as a result of twists of fate was his former comrade in arms from the period of his stay in America, General Dumouriez. This hero from Valmy once fought with the Russians on the side of the Bar Confederation. Kościuszko briefed him on the plans for the uprising in Poland. A month later, Dumoriez capitulated and gave himself up to the Austrians. He gave all the information to be handcuffed.
Koscuszko from Paris went to Krakow, where on March 24, 1974, he solemnly announced the outbreak of a national uprising. Then he marched out at the head of regular regiments and battalions of peasants armed with scythes. On April 4, the latter played a significant role in the Battle of Racławice, when they successfully disabled Aleksander Tormasov's artillery. Kościuszko from then on wore a white white coat, which was their uniform, as a symbol of his democratic beliefs.
On the morning of April 17, the population of Warsaw rose up, and the Russians suffered severe losses during two days of street fighting.
On October 10, 1794, Kościuszko was defeated near Maciejowice and taken prisoner. On the morning of November 4, the Russians broke through the defense lines around Warsaw and began to attack Praga (a part of Warsaw on the right side of the Vistula). It claimed about 20,000 victims. And the cruelty of the Russians shocked many Russian officers. The rest of the army left the king in Warsaw, who was to agree the terms of surrender with General Alexander Suvorov.
After a 4-hour fight, the insurgent troops retreated to the left bank of the Vistula, destroying the bridge behind them. - In 1794, he disarmed the Polish regiments in Ukraine, incorporated in 1793 into the Russian army.
Karol Kniaziewicz was a participant in the Kościuszko Uprising, he fought, among others, in near Maciejowice (October 10, 1794), where he was taken prisoner by the Russians together with Tadeusz Kościuszko. He was one of the commanders of the Polish Legions in Italy, as well as the organizer and commander of the Danube Legion.
Refusing to agree to the peace signed at Lunéville on February 9, 1801, he resigned. He returned to the country and took care of his landed estate. In 1807, he did not accept the proposal of Tsar Alexander I, who offered him command of the Polish army alongside Russia.
General Jan Henryk Dąbrowski was sent to Milan where in January 1797 an agreement was concluded. Polish soldiers were to obey Polish orders and wear Polish uniforms, but they were hung with French cockades and Italian epothetes with the inscription: "Gli uomini liberi sono fratelli." (All free men are brothers.)
At the end of April, the legions already numbered 5,000 people, among them were emigrants, prisoners and deserters from the Austrian army, conscripted into the army without their will from the territories of Polish Galicia (Austrian partition). Dąbrowski intended to enter Galicia through Croatia and Hungary.
In April 1797, the Poles fought in the pass near Leoben, preparing to march, but Bonaparte changed his plans. April 17, 1797 (Treaty of Leoben was concluded between France and Austria and signed by Napoleon himself.)
In the spring of 1797, Tzanetos Grigorakis sent his son to Bonaparte's camp in Milan, expressing his willingness to put his prots at the disposal of the French, if they would support his aspirations for independence against the Turks. Greeks from all over the country met at the Polonaise (dance/ball) to prepare plans for the uprising and ask the French for support.
While in Paris, Adamanios Korais asked Jefferson for advice on the constitution of the future Greek state.
On the first day of fighting, General Stanisław Mokronowski became the commander-in-chief of all Polish forces in Warsaw.
The legions grew in strength in 1797, they numbered 7,000 people and were divided into two separate units led by generals Karol Kniaziewicz and Michał Wielhorski.
The Poles distinguished themselves in the capture of Rome and in the subsequent attack on Naples. But they suffered losses due to French losses in 1799, when the Cisalpine Republic ceased to exist, the survivors went to southern France.
The heroes of the Battle of Zieleniec, Generals Tadeusz Kościuszko and Michał Wielhorski, and Prince Eustachy Sanguszko. (on the paining)
On June 18, 1792, Polish troops defeated the Russians in the Battle of Zieleniec. Russian troops entered Poland under the pretext of providing "friendly" help to all those threatened by the tyranny and absolutism of the Great Sejm.
When Napoleon marched to Russia in 1812, much of the Prussian officer cadre lamented the fact that Germany was France's ally. They did not march on Moscow but were to support the French and cover their flank in East Prussia (Polish Pomerania). T
General Yorck von Wartenburg, commanding 14,000 soldiers in East Prussia (Polish Pomerania), found himself in a situation where he could play a decisive role.
On Christmas Day 1812, Yorck met with the commander of the Russian advance guard and signed an agreement with him in Taurogach, annulling the Prussian-French alliance. It was the first of many defiant acts by the German army to "save" the homeland. As a result of diplomatic agreements, the Prussian army was obliged to send its own auxiliary corps of about 25,000 people to the war with Russia in 1812, which was grouped in the X Corps of the Great Army.
--
In 1815, seventeen-year-old Adam Mickiewicz became a student at Vilnius University, filling out the registration form, he stated that his name was. "Adam Napoleon Mickiewicz". He explained that seeing the Army marching on Russia in 1812 was a "spiritual baptism" for him.
In 1817, he founded the Society of Friends of the Philomaths, an apolitical association focused on spreading knowledge and self-education.
In 1824, Mickiewicz, together with twelve other Philomaths, was sentenced to internal exile.
The cry "vive la Pologne!" was heard on the barricades of Paris during the July Revolution, long before the Polish uprising. and the news of the November Uprising sparked demonstrations throughout France.
When angry crowds of French people took to the streets of many cities upon learning of the defeat at Ostrołka, the French police began to pray for the success of the Poles.
On April 4, the Vorparliment passed a proclamation, part of which read:
"The German Federation declares that the division of Poland was a shameful act of injustice and recognizes strenuous efforts for its rebirth as a sacred duty of the German nation."
This time, the interests of Germans and Poles were united as they had a common enemy. At the end of March, the only continental power without any revolutionary movements was Russia, and Nicholas I remained the only partner of the Holy Alliance on the throne. He maintained an implacable attitude and made nations "tremble" before Russia.
Many French people were concerned about the gradual process of unification of German lands under the aegis of Prussia. Military circles were particularly vocal about the German threat.(The Hambach Festival on May 27, 1832)
Meanwhile, at the beginning of 1870, the Prussian Chancellor Otto von Bismark put forward the candidacy of a minor prince from the House of Hohenzollern for the empty throne of Spain. The reaction of the French was so violent that the candidacy was withdrawn.
The French were delighted with the foreign policy of Napoleon III and supported the war in Crimea and Mexico. Because they noticed the rapid growth of Prussia's strength and importance, they treated this proposal as a challenge, recognizing that war was the best cure for everything in international affairs and in the affairs of France itself.
The revolution known as the Paris Commune of Parisian workers against the bourgeoisie of Mr. Thiers (Adolf Thiers) began on March 18, 1871. It is estimated that 400-500 Poles participated in the defense of the Commune.Gustave Flourens, Gustave Paul Cluseret Jarosław Dąbrowski weare commanders of comunards, one after other.
Now in this book is much more, about first colony state ruled by black, and that was commanded just before by half-polish black commander, or about Spain and Italy and people who has been executed for revolts.
Also about masonry groups like Carbonari, do read it and enjoy that good book, stating that in eighteen century people rejected possibility of mortal original sin, and with that idea in mind, they crated law, acts of low, big piles and structures of low that are working only if you are not guilty of having original sin, how mad that is?!
The second group consisted of officers who went overseas with the consent of the French government, with no prospects in their own country. A typical representative was the Bavarian Johann von Robais Baron de Kalb. He served in the German and French armies, survived the battle of Fontenoy and became a lieutenant colonel at the end of the Seven Years' War. Killed at the Battle of Camden, covering the retreat of General Gates, August 1780.
The largest number of volunteers, about 600, came from Poland, they mostly recruited from the Confederates. Although the majority were officers and very brave people, their value was limited due to the language barrier. One of the exceptions was Casimir Pulaski, the son of the first marshal of the confederation. He wrote to Frankin in June 1777: "I dream of giving my life for such a true cause, I want to die on my bed of glory, I want to die at my post."
Tadeusz Kościuszko accepted the most radical aspects of the case and became an apostle of the cult of freedom.
Fredrich Wilhelm von Steuben, who knew so little English that he had to use an interpreter even when insulting his commentators, nevertheless taught Washington's army the basics of bayonet hand-to-hand combat.
During the last years of British rule, the colonists paid lower taxes than the inhabitants of the countries of the Western world, with the exception of Poles. By the end of the 1780s, Massechusetts' burdens had increased from one to eighteen shillings per capital, and from fivepence to ten shillings in Virginia. - 12 pence = 1 shilling. 240 pence = 1 pound. Farthing (f) – 4 farthings = 1 pence. 48 farthings = 1 shilling.
Taxes just sparked the American Revolution.
---
Thanks to the importance of their language, the French considered themselves the heirs of ancient Rome.
Germany was excluded from the Franco-Roman Catholic heritage by its language and the Reformation.
This was influenced by social conditions. The writers there, though intellectually outstanding, came from simple families and led a quiet life in provincial cities. Since there was no political or intellectual capital, they had no intellectual agora of their own (public forum).
When Goethe came from Leipzig to Frankfurt, his bizarre "foreignness" was mocked..
Oisín, first with the epic Fingal and the following year with Temora; both of these works were supposedly translations from 3rd-century Gaelic originals.
Land of the young - . Tír na nÓg is best known from the tale of Oisín and Niamhnt.
The world created by Ossian was imaginary region of the German mind.
As a student, Friedrich Hölderlin founded the Dichterbund, a poetic brotherhood, and recited his poems in the company of friends during its meetings. He hated the Germans for not being what they should be, and like Winckelmann he knew in ancient Greece the only way to save the "Holy shrine of youthful man." For them, ancient Greece was a state of mind rather than something that happened at a specific time and place. At the end, he prayed for her saving friendship to save the world.Hölderlin suffered from depression and schizophrenia. In 1802, when he was employed as a home tutor in the south of France, he suddenly disappeared, the owner of the palace came and asked if he was Greek, the despairing poet says he is German, for him being Greek is a state of grace, and being German is a lack of hope for salvation .
During the revolution of 1789, Louis Philippe was a member of the Jacobin club, future King of the French, served on Kellerman's staff at eighteen, recently promoted to lieutenant general.
Had an excellent idea, standing on the balcony next to the aged General La Fayetta, he began to wave the poisonous flag that he wrapped around the general, eliciting applause from the crowd. The duke became a favorite of Paris and two days later he was enthroned as Louis Phillip. - The French became brothers, the poor were still poor hungry stargazers, but they all got their dreams back.
Je vois déja drapeau tricolore
Demon pays embleme protecteur
Sur nose remparts gu'avec glorie il decore
Il est pour nous le singnal du bouheur
/
I can see the tricolor already
The protective emblem of my country
On our embankments/entrenchments he adorn with glory
It is a sign/symbol of happiness for us
Guizot was known for expanding public education, as well as his leadership of the Doctrinaires, a group of French politicians who supported a constitutional monarchy. He was a supporter of a representative system limited by property qualifications. - It is related to his slogan - Get rich!
Joseph Masters wrote: "The French Revolution has a satanic element that sets it apart from everything we know, and perhaps from everything we will ever witness."
In many countries, attempts were made to remedy the problems, in Belgium following the example of America, the slogan Manifesto of the Province of Flanders, announced in 1787, resounded. in fragments being faithful copies of the Declaration of Independence.
The Liège Revolution, sometimes known as the Happy Revolution against the reigning Prince-Bishop of Liège,
Another testing ground was Switzerland, the French instigated Swiss to the revolution, after it broke out they left it to its own fate. This scenario repeated itself in many other countries. But Poland was the hardest hit.
Catherine II entered Poland in 1792, considering Warsaw a 'crucible of Jacobins'. In April 1793, she initiated the second partition of the country and imposed a puppet government on the remaining piece of Poland, supported by the Royan army.All citizens were urged to sign an act of loyalty to the government imposed by Catherine, a refusal threatened with penalties that practically excluded oppositionists from public life.
In February 1974, Kościuszko came to Paris to seek support from France, visiting Brussels occupied by the French on the way, and paid a visit to the commander of the occupying forces, who as a result of twists of fate was his former comrade in arms from the period of his stay in America, General Dumouriez. This hero from Valmy once fought with the Russians on the side of the Bar Confederation. Kościuszko briefed him on the plans for the uprising in Poland. A month later, Dumoriez capitulated and gave himself up to the Austrians. He gave all the information to be handcuffed.
Koscuszko from Paris went to Krakow, where on March 24, 1974, he solemnly announced the outbreak of a national uprising. Then he marched out at the head of regular regiments and battalions of peasants armed with scythes. On April 4, the latter played a significant role in the Battle of Racławice, when they successfully disabled Aleksander Tormasov's artillery. Kościuszko from then on wore a white white coat, which was their uniform, as a symbol of his democratic beliefs.
On the morning of April 17, the population of Warsaw rose up, and the Russians suffered severe losses during two days of street fighting.
On October 10, 1794, Kościuszko was defeated near Maciejowice and taken prisoner. On the morning of November 4, the Russians broke through the defense lines around Warsaw and began to attack Praga (a part of Warsaw on the right side of the Vistula). It claimed about 20,000 victims. And the cruelty of the Russians shocked many Russian officers. The rest of the army left the king in Warsaw, who was to agree the terms of surrender with General Alexander Suvorov.
After a 4-hour fight, the insurgent troops retreated to the left bank of the Vistula, destroying the bridge behind them. - In 1794, he disarmed the Polish regiments in Ukraine, incorporated in 1793 into the Russian army.
Karol Kniaziewicz was a participant in the Kościuszko Uprising, he fought, among others, in near Maciejowice (October 10, 1794), where he was taken prisoner by the Russians together with Tadeusz Kościuszko. He was one of the commanders of the Polish Legions in Italy, as well as the organizer and commander of the Danube Legion.
Refusing to agree to the peace signed at Lunéville on February 9, 1801, he resigned. He returned to the country and took care of his landed estate. In 1807, he did not accept the proposal of Tsar Alexander I, who offered him command of the Polish army alongside Russia.
General Jan Henryk Dąbrowski was sent to Milan where in January 1797 an agreement was concluded. Polish soldiers were to obey Polish orders and wear Polish uniforms, but they were hung with French cockades and Italian epothetes with the inscription: "Gli uomini liberi sono fratelli." (All free men are brothers.)
At the end of April, the legions already numbered 5,000 people, among them were emigrants, prisoners and deserters from the Austrian army, conscripted into the army without their will from the territories of Polish Galicia (Austrian partition). Dąbrowski intended to enter Galicia through Croatia and Hungary.
In April 1797, the Poles fought in the pass near Leoben, preparing to march, but Bonaparte changed his plans. April 17, 1797 (Treaty of Leoben was concluded between France and Austria and signed by Napoleon himself.)
In the spring of 1797, Tzanetos Grigorakis sent his son to Bonaparte's camp in Milan, expressing his willingness to put his prots at the disposal of the French, if they would support his aspirations for independence against the Turks. Greeks from all over the country met at the Polonaise (dance/ball) to prepare plans for the uprising and ask the French for support.
While in Paris, Adamanios Korais asked Jefferson for advice on the constitution of the future Greek state.
On the first day of fighting, General Stanisław Mokronowski became the commander-in-chief of all Polish forces in Warsaw.
The legions grew in strength in 1797, they numbered 7,000 people and were divided into two separate units led by generals Karol Kniaziewicz and Michał Wielhorski.
The Poles distinguished themselves in the capture of Rome and in the subsequent attack on Naples. But they suffered losses due to French losses in 1799, when the Cisalpine Republic ceased to exist, the survivors went to southern France.
The heroes of the Battle of Zieleniec, Generals Tadeusz Kościuszko and Michał Wielhorski, and Prince Eustachy Sanguszko. (on the paining)
On June 18, 1792, Polish troops defeated the Russians in the Battle of Zieleniec. Russian troops entered Poland under the pretext of providing "friendly" help to all those threatened by the tyranny and absolutism of the Great Sejm.
When Napoleon marched to Russia in 1812, much of the Prussian officer cadre lamented the fact that Germany was France's ally. They did not march on Moscow but were to support the French and cover their flank in East Prussia (Polish Pomerania). T
General Yorck von Wartenburg, commanding 14,000 soldiers in East Prussia (Polish Pomerania), found himself in a situation where he could play a decisive role.
On Christmas Day 1812, Yorck met with the commander of the Russian advance guard and signed an agreement with him in Taurogach, annulling the Prussian-French alliance. It was the first of many defiant acts by the German army to "save" the homeland. As a result of diplomatic agreements, the Prussian army was obliged to send its own auxiliary corps of about 25,000 people to the war with Russia in 1812, which was grouped in the X Corps of the Great Army.
--
In 1815, seventeen-year-old Adam Mickiewicz became a student at Vilnius University, filling out the registration form, he stated that his name was. "Adam Napoleon Mickiewicz". He explained that seeing the Army marching on Russia in 1812 was a "spiritual baptism" for him.
In 1817, he founded the Society of Friends of the Philomaths, an apolitical association focused on spreading knowledge and self-education.
In 1824, Mickiewicz, together with twelve other Philomaths, was sentenced to internal exile.
The cry "vive la Pologne!" was heard on the barricades of Paris during the July Revolution, long before the Polish uprising. and the news of the November Uprising sparked demonstrations throughout France.
When angry crowds of French people took to the streets of many cities upon learning of the defeat at Ostrołka, the French police began to pray for the success of the Poles.
On April 4, the Vorparliment passed a proclamation, part of which read:
"The German Federation declares that the division of Poland was a shameful act of injustice and recognizes strenuous efforts for its rebirth as a sacred duty of the German nation."
This time, the interests of Germans and Poles were united as they had a common enemy. At the end of March, the only continental power without any revolutionary movements was Russia, and Nicholas I remained the only partner of the Holy Alliance on the throne. He maintained an implacable attitude and made nations "tremble" before Russia.
Many French people were concerned about the gradual process of unification of German lands under the aegis of Prussia. Military circles were particularly vocal about the German threat.(The Hambach Festival on May 27, 1832)
Meanwhile, at the beginning of 1870, the Prussian Chancellor Otto von Bismark put forward the candidacy of a minor prince from the House of Hohenzollern for the empty throne of Spain. The reaction of the French was so violent that the candidacy was withdrawn.
The French were delighted with the foreign policy of Napoleon III and supported the war in Crimea and Mexico. Because they noticed the rapid growth of Prussia's strength and importance, they treated this proposal as a challenge, recognizing that war was the best cure for everything in international affairs and in the affairs of France itself.
The revolution known as the Paris Commune of Parisian workers against the bourgeoisie of Mr. Thiers (Adolf Thiers) began on March 18, 1871. It is estimated that 400-500 Poles participated in the defense of the Commune.Gustave Flourens, Gustave Paul Cluseret Jarosław Dąbrowski weare commanders of comunards, one after other.
Now in this book is much more, about first colony state ruled by black, and that was commanded just before by half-polish black commander, or about Spain and Italy and people who has been executed for revolts.
Also about masonry groups like Carbonari, do read it and enjoy that good book, stating that in eighteen century people rejected possibility of mortal original sin, and with that idea in mind, they crated law, acts of low, big piles and structures of low that are working only if you are not guilty of having original sin, how mad that is?!
November 27, 2024
Fascinating, albeit somewhat niche, history book about the rise of nationalism and revolutions circa 1789-1870 in Europe and the Americas. This nationalism and revolts for independence were very religious in tone (fanatic, based on belief instead of reason, secret societies, iconic figures like Washington and Lafayette, special holidays, etc.) Interesting read, although tediously detailed at times. I found the information about South American revolutionaries, and revolts in Poland, Hungary, and Italy to be quite interesting. Garibaldi and Mazzini were quite the historical figures that I'd never even heard of.
In the author's own words, "if these pages have illustrated anything, it is that the national instinct is a natural one where religious belief-systems have failed, and that it inherits from these not only crude fanaticism, but also a spark of divinity, for it is, ultimately, a kind of mission. That is why it cannot be persuaded out of existence by the reasonable arguments of capitalist liberalism... all those who rally to the cause of some real or invented nation carry within themselves an instinctual religious germ..." (p. 450-51).
Big takeaways:
1. The nationalism of this era gave rise to the national supremacism of the next century (Germany, USSR - see another read "The Great and Holy War" by Philip Jenkins)
2. Revolutions largely failed because "all the efforts... and all the faith of [the leaders]... were defeated by the fundamental truth that the people they sought to liberate and make happy were...simply not interested" (p. 448) See also: "They [Garibaldi; revolutionaries] had failed. Worse, they had been rejected by the very people they had set out to help (p. 386).
3. Revolutionary "belief" and fervor was replaced by practical politics and material capitalism.
4. Yet religious-like fanaticism for political or societal missions still lives on today.
Interesting quotes:
"It is generally accepted that the former Spanish colonies never again achieved the wealth in which they had basked before 1810. Some maintain that they were also better governed, more lawful and more peaceful under Spanish rule than at any time since, and there is something to be said for this view" (p. 230).
"They [former revolutionaries; young men who had no war to go fight] were condemned to immaturity by their upbringing and the system under which they were obliged to live, a system in which the state took responsibility for everything, including its subjects' consciences" (p. 250).
In the author's own words, "if these pages have illustrated anything, it is that the national instinct is a natural one where religious belief-systems have failed, and that it inherits from these not only crude fanaticism, but also a spark of divinity, for it is, ultimately, a kind of mission. That is why it cannot be persuaded out of existence by the reasonable arguments of capitalist liberalism... all those who rally to the cause of some real or invented nation carry within themselves an instinctual religious germ..." (p. 450-51).
Big takeaways:
1. The nationalism of this era gave rise to the national supremacism of the next century (Germany, USSR - see another read "The Great and Holy War" by Philip Jenkins)
2. Revolutions largely failed because "all the efforts... and all the faith of [the leaders]... were defeated by the fundamental truth that the people they sought to liberate and make happy were...simply not interested" (p. 448) See also: "They [Garibaldi; revolutionaries] had failed. Worse, they had been rejected by the very people they had set out to help (p. 386).
3. Revolutionary "belief" and fervor was replaced by practical politics and material capitalism.
4. Yet religious-like fanaticism for political or societal missions still lives on today.
Interesting quotes:
"It is generally accepted that the former Spanish colonies never again achieved the wealth in which they had basked before 1810. Some maintain that they were also better governed, more lawful and more peaceful under Spanish rule than at any time since, and there is something to be said for this view" (p. 230).
"They [former revolutionaries; young men who had no war to go fight] were condemned to immaturity by their upbringing and the system under which they were obliged to live, a system in which the state took responsibility for everything, including its subjects' consciences" (p. 250).
April 7, 2022
This is a deeply intriguing and thoughtful book despite the playfulness of its style. I am not sure I have read a treatment of the political history of Europe from such a strange viewpoint: the viewpoint of an insider and co-madman who had been through all that and come to tell the tale.
To understand how this is possible, one has to remember that Adam Zamoyski comes from not one but two of the great political families of Poland and that therefore much of what he writes about is interwoven with his family history over the ages. Reading through the endless stories of Poles appearing in every possible struggle of that period, I have the feeling that Mr Zamoyski is making us a part of the intense introspection of the Polish nobility that have been going on all the way from Napoleon to the present.
Some of the reviews suggest this book as an introduction to the period. I would say that it quite exceeds that status and is in fact an advanced reading into the history of ideas and political philosophy of that period.
The quality of the writing is uneven. Long sentences and flamboyant language at times confuse the meaning. But that is also delightful because Zamoyski's English merges with the French, Italian and Polish of his primary sources and assumes their thought patterns. Hence, this is a truly European not simply an English or a French perspective that we have here. An insider look on the romantics, patriots and revolutionaries written by a romantic patriot who has much to say about revolutions past and present.
To understand how this is possible, one has to remember that Adam Zamoyski comes from not one but two of the great political families of Poland and that therefore much of what he writes about is interwoven with his family history over the ages. Reading through the endless stories of Poles appearing in every possible struggle of that period, I have the feeling that Mr Zamoyski is making us a part of the intense introspection of the Polish nobility that have been going on all the way from Napoleon to the present.
Some of the reviews suggest this book as an introduction to the period. I would say that it quite exceeds that status and is in fact an advanced reading into the history of ideas and political philosophy of that period.
The quality of the writing is uneven. Long sentences and flamboyant language at times confuse the meaning. But that is also delightful because Zamoyski's English merges with the French, Italian and Polish of his primary sources and assumes their thought patterns. Hence, this is a truly European not simply an English or a French perspective that we have here. An insider look on the romantics, patriots and revolutionaries written by a romantic patriot who has much to say about revolutions past and present.
December 29, 2022
Let me state upfront that I hold Mr. Adam Zamoyski in high esteem. His "Moscow 1812" was a masterfully executed treatment of the ill-fated war. His "The Polish Way: A Thousand-Year History of the Poles and Their Culture" was, likewise, very a erudite yet readable account of Polish history. Nevertheless, in "Holy Madness" Mr. Zamoyski committed a handful of grave errors with respect of how he approached the subject.
One big problem with the book is the frequent voice of nostalgia, or even criticism of nationalism as some kind of a false religion that supplanted Christianity following the Age of Enlightenment. As such, he is guilty of being a Christian apologist and his book feels, therefore, as the means to the end.
The second big problem is the complete lack of any reflection regarding what nationalism is, what constitutes a nation, how those compare from place to place and from age to age. There is not a single mention of Johann Gottfried Herder, which is an unforgivable omission.
There are other, lesser issues with the work, but the above two problems really stuck out for me. Otherwise, the writing is good and, in many respects, informative. With minor effort to ameliorate a handful of problems, Mr. Zamoyski could easily turn this book into a 5-star book worthy of history buffs' attention.
One big problem with the book is the frequent voice of nostalgia, or even criticism of nationalism as some kind of a false religion that supplanted Christianity following the Age of Enlightenment. As such, he is guilty of being a Christian apologist and his book feels, therefore, as the means to the end.
The second big problem is the complete lack of any reflection regarding what nationalism is, what constitutes a nation, how those compare from place to place and from age to age. There is not a single mention of Johann Gottfried Herder, which is an unforgivable omission.
There are other, lesser issues with the work, but the above two problems really stuck out for me. Otherwise, the writing is good and, in many respects, informative. With minor effort to ameliorate a handful of problems, Mr. Zamoyski could easily turn this book into a 5-star book worthy of history buffs' attention.
June 20, 2017
There are so many people! The scope is well...LARGE. The demonstration of how true-believers have always been manipulated for political ends was instructive. Also how the reality NEVER will match imagined romantic ideals is profusely illustrated. The repeated theme of people not wanting to be saved from their oppressors AND the revolutionaries not really wanting to uplift the peasants because, gee who would do the work - was illuminating to me anyway. This is very granular history. I think he demonstrated how ideas are very much forces of history and forces that are certainly not easy to control or direct. And boy do we sure take for granted not locking up your political opponents in the modern age. I think this book does an excellent job of showing how all the revolutionary fervor and uprisings were connected and intertwined all across Europe and the Americas during the 19th century. It also takes you into the participants heads more than most. It's not just a recitation of who, what, when... you get insight into thought processes, reactions, and boy does disillusionment come slowly.
January 11, 2019
Again Zamoyski covers a sprawling and complex subject surprisingly well. Zamoyski's voice is cynical but not overly conspiratorial as he examines the exportation of revolutionary patriotism and nationalism from its libertarian French origins all the way across the world (and back). True believers (Lafayette, Buonarroti, Bolivar, Garibaldi, et al.) and their more pragmatic variants are pitched against a desperate monarchy and generally apathetic public as religion is traded for religious patriotic zeal and a ruling class for, well... another ruling class.
Here lies the birth of modern socialism with the bizarre contradiction of the public being forcefully "liberated" against their will. Certainly French liberalism marked the start of an anti-authoritarian movement we saw ripening after the fall of the totalitarian nationalist regimes of the 20th century.
Keen to read the oft-referenced Billington's Fire in the Minds of Men as a companion piece.
Here lies the birth of modern socialism with the bizarre contradiction of the public being forcefully "liberated" against their will. Certainly French liberalism marked the start of an anti-authoritarian movement we saw ripening after the fall of the totalitarian nationalist regimes of the 20th century.
Keen to read the oft-referenced Billington's Fire in the Minds of Men as a companion piece.
May 31, 2018
Very dry at times, but also possesses a pretty decent overview of the romantic, revolutionary, and nationalistic fervor that erupted in the late 18th century to the late 19th century. It was interesting to read about it in the context of many movements, and not just focusing on one specific country or movement in general. The two points I was left with: The nationalistic, Romantic leaders of the time drew people together across nations to fight for each other's causes, and how these ideals and movements evolved the causes and wars of the 20th century.
May 30, 2023
Like many of Mr Zamoyski's book, well written, great on Poland and the Poles, full of dark episodes and well drawn characters. A good overview of a turbulent century focusing often on the involvement of Poles, also covering the main players in Europe and further afield at times. Some of the smaller countries who went through a lot of changes, particularly Ireland, got a bit short changed - but one cannot cover every facet of every sphere in one book
April 16, 2019
Romantics were possibly the most illogical of any post-Enlightenment thinkers ever. For one thing, they just didn’t believe in rationality or thinking. Plus, they also placed too much hope in the peasantry rallying to their causes, which was a silly thing to expect being that peasants are peasants and were/are uneducated and generally not long-term thinkers.
May 26, 2020
Decent history book.
February 24, 2021
Perfect read to calm down. Do you want to know what real revolution and madness look like? Read this. A wonderful companion to Pinker's optimistic realism. We get all worked out over trifles.
May 15, 2021
Great study of both sides of the Atlantic. Witty too.
July 3, 2012
We all need someone, some thing or some cause to believe in. "Holy Madness: Romantics, Patriots and Revolutionaries, 1776-1871" looks at the dramatic worldwide changes that occurred between the 1776 American Revolution, the French Revolution and the defeat of France by a newly united Germany in 1871.
He chronicles more revolutions and uprisings around the world than most readers could keep track of, uprisings that lead to the founding of Germany, Italy, a democratic France, a revived Poland, Hungary, Greece, Mexico and numerous other nations. He demonstrates well how the triumph of one cause often sewed the seeds that lead to its ultimate toppling: most revolutions turn back upon themselves or invite counter-revolutions.
Together his chronicling shows the power and potential of branding, the power of a unifying cause or message to bring people together. After the Reformation made made the masses doubt their church, Adam Zamoyski demonstrates how people still sought causes and ideas to bring them together.
Rituals, icons, flags, slogans and unifying messages that started with religion were crucial as new organizations like Masonic lodges and political movements as well as the founding of nations (and eventually in the 20th century, the organization of companies as well as new ideologies) all came together to bring people and causes together.
Long before social media and protest marches, 19th century change agents, the Romantics, used both poetry and opera, among other mediums, to stir movements,
"Never before or since had poetry been so widely read, so taken to heart and so closely studied for hidden meaning,'' Zamoyski argues. "Art was no longer an amenity but a great truth that had to be revealed to mankind, and the artist was one who had been called to interpret this truth, a kind of seer...The American poet Ralph Waldo Emerson saw poets as 'liberating gods' because they achieved freedom themselves. The pianist Frank Liszt wanted to recapture the 'political, philosophical and religious power' that he believed music had in ancient times... Thus the arts followed the secret societies in becoming a political means of communication and the expression of a political faith.''
Zamoyski writes: "What these regimes did was to carry to their logical extremity Rouseau's ideas on the need to replace God in the workings of human society with something else that would motivate people in the desired direction. But regimes which applied the ideas of Rousseau somehow always seemed to inherit along with them somethimng of the obsessive self-pitying paranoia of the man himself, and usually ended up destroying themselves through their own instruments of control and repression.''
He chronicles more revolutions and uprisings around the world than most readers could keep track of, uprisings that lead to the founding of Germany, Italy, a democratic France, a revived Poland, Hungary, Greece, Mexico and numerous other nations. He demonstrates well how the triumph of one cause often sewed the seeds that lead to its ultimate toppling: most revolutions turn back upon themselves or invite counter-revolutions.
Together his chronicling shows the power and potential of branding, the power of a unifying cause or message to bring people together. After the Reformation made made the masses doubt their church, Adam Zamoyski demonstrates how people still sought causes and ideas to bring them together.
Rituals, icons, flags, slogans and unifying messages that started with religion were crucial as new organizations like Masonic lodges and political movements as well as the founding of nations (and eventually in the 20th century, the organization of companies as well as new ideologies) all came together to bring people and causes together.
Long before social media and protest marches, 19th century change agents, the Romantics, used both poetry and opera, among other mediums, to stir movements,
"Never before or since had poetry been so widely read, so taken to heart and so closely studied for hidden meaning,'' Zamoyski argues. "Art was no longer an amenity but a great truth that had to be revealed to mankind, and the artist was one who had been called to interpret this truth, a kind of seer...The American poet Ralph Waldo Emerson saw poets as 'liberating gods' because they achieved freedom themselves. The pianist Frank Liszt wanted to recapture the 'political, philosophical and religious power' that he believed music had in ancient times... Thus the arts followed the secret societies in becoming a political means of communication and the expression of a political faith.''
Zamoyski writes: "What these regimes did was to carry to their logical extremity Rouseau's ideas on the need to replace God in the workings of human society with something else that would motivate people in the desired direction. But regimes which applied the ideas of Rousseau somehow always seemed to inherit along with them somethimng of the obsessive self-pitying paranoia of the man himself, and usually ended up destroying themselves through their own instruments of control and repression.''
October 15, 2013
Starting with the American Revolution of the the late 18th century and forwarding through to the Paris Commune in the late 19th century, this book looks at the various revolutions, and copycat revolutions, that took place as the world went a bit mad. Passion rules the antics here, with so many different leaders and egoists, one wonders how Europe survived to even see the 20th century.
The author does not hide his sarcasm for some of the events, which makes for fun reading. However, it truly reads as one long string, with happenings taking place at the same time or on top of each other. It becomes obvious that "the people", in just about every country, didn't want revolutions (and that includes America). They just wanted to go about their normal daily life. But then a maniac comes along who believes he represents freedom and mankind, and it starts again. The idea of the book is top-notch, I just became a bit bored with so much info. There are only so many Polish generals I can remember.
Book Season = Winter (barricades and singing)
The author does not hide his sarcasm for some of the events, which makes for fun reading. However, it truly reads as one long string, with happenings taking place at the same time or on top of each other. It becomes obvious that "the people", in just about every country, didn't want revolutions (and that includes America). They just wanted to go about their normal daily life. But then a maniac comes along who believes he represents freedom and mankind, and it starts again. The idea of the book is top-notch, I just became a bit bored with so much info. There are only so many Polish generals I can remember.
Book Season = Winter (barricades and singing)
Currently reading
July 31, 2008My other current non-fiction read. I'm further along in this one than Diamond's, but still only about a third of the way through. If I had a better background understanding of history, I'd get SO much more out of it, but so far I've learned loads about the various revolutions that swept through Europe in the late 18th century.
Zamoyski's composition may want a better structure and a more organized arrangement, but his breadth of knowledge is unquestionable, and the anecdotal stories he tells fascinating. He deals rather coldly with the American Revolution, and has no great love for the heroes created therein, but when he treats the Corsican and Polish revolutions, you can sense his excitement - and frustration. A good read for me, to better grasp recent Western history, but I think there are other, better, books out there on the subject. (For a sweeping and inclusive general take, though, this might be a good choice).
Zamoyski's composition may want a better structure and a more organized arrangement, but his breadth of knowledge is unquestionable, and the anecdotal stories he tells fascinating. He deals rather coldly with the American Revolution, and has no great love for the heroes created therein, but when he treats the Corsican and Polish revolutions, you can sense his excitement - and frustration. A good read for me, to better grasp recent Western history, but I think there are other, better, books out there on the subject. (For a sweeping and inclusive general take, though, this might be a good choice).
February 18, 2016
Warto przebrnąć przez jeżące włos na głowie dwa pierwsze rozdziały - bo potem zaczyna się prawdziwa jazda bez trzymanki. Jak z sensem przetrzepać archiwa, poskładać co ciekawsze cytaty, i - przede wszystkim - trzymać się wyznaczonego kierunku - opisywanie historii (a potem o niej czytanie!) może być równie emocjonujące, jak pisanie dobrych powieści sensacyjnych. Bo z reguły miniona historia bywa ciekawsza od najbardziej wymyślnej fikcji...
Niezwykle ciekawa i wciągająca książka ... mam tylko zastrzeżenia do tłumacza i redaktorów. To w zbyt wielu miejscach jest 'angielski' polski. Polski jest dużo bardziej opisowy i rozwlekły, nie jest językiem konkretu i precyzji. Tłumaczenie 1:1 czasem daje kuriozalne rezultaty.
Tak czy siak - pan hrabia Zamoyski wymiata.
Niezwykle ciekawa i wciągająca książka ... mam tylko zastrzeżenia do tłumacza i redaktorów. To w zbyt wielu miejscach jest 'angielski' polski. Polski jest dużo bardziej opisowy i rozwlekły, nie jest językiem konkretu i precyzji. Tłumaczenie 1:1 czasem daje kuriozalne rezultaty.
Tak czy siak - pan hrabia Zamoyski wymiata.
April 20, 2015
This is an absolutely superb overview of the common philosophical and ideological threads that connected revolutionaries in Europe fromt the time of the American Revolution to the Commune of Paris. Among the many key players that he examines are Lafayette, Garibaldi, Lamartine, Mazzini, Napoleon, Bolivar, Byron, and Mickiewicz. Like Rousseau, they felt that Man lived everywhere in chains and that the world needed to be liberated. The only way to achieve this goal was through violence which none of them shrank from. Rather in Zamoyski's jaundiced view they pursued their program of violence with messianic and religious zeal.
August 23, 2014
A good overview of the revolutionary culture in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Zamoyski begins with the American Revolution in 1776 and concludes with the Paris Commune of 1871, and in between covers a tumultuous period that included the French Revolution, the Haitian Revolution, the Latin American revolutions, the revolts of 1848, and the numerous wars spawned by these upheavals. He also provides good insights into significant figures, such as Napoleon, Bolivar, and Garbaldi. A good read for anyone interested in this period of history.
July 27, 2014
A fascinating and comprehensive look at revolutions in Europe and the Americas from the American revolution to the Paris Commune. While I am not sure I completely agree with its thesis that revolutionary fervour was a cult or almost religious faith, it provides a broad yet detailed look at a century of political struggles and wars.
June 23, 2015
A competent introduction to a century of revolutions, wars, and political upheaval on either side of the Atlantic corridor.
For those looking for a good introduction to the period this is the book for you.
Recommended for those interested in political, military, and social history.
Rating: 4 out of 5 stars.
For those looking for a good introduction to the period this is the book for you.
Recommended for those interested in political, military, and social history.
Rating: 4 out of 5 stars.
February 16, 2009
my favorite historical tome
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