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Saul David Alinsky was an American community organizer and writer. He is generally considered to be the founder of modern community organizing. His organizing skills were focused on improving the living conditions of poor communities across North America.
This has been out of print for a long time and was hard to find. Friends of mine used to horde their copies and they sold for a hundred dollars. They give you a photocopied chapter of it to read when you go to a week long Gamelial Foundation training. They give you the chapter that breaks down all of Lewis' strategy and maneuvers during the Flint Sitdown strike. I'm so glad it finally got republished.
Its good. Lewis' life sputters a bit when he splits from Roosevelt and then picks up again with some fights for the miners.
I read this book because I grew up in a coal mining town and my grandfather knew John L Lewis. I grew up hearing stories about him and of course he was a legend where I come from. Great book if you’re interested in the history of labor and one of its greatest leaders
Excellent biography of the most important labor leader of the 20th century. Alinsky's relationship with Lewis coupled with his exceptional grasp of strategy and tactics makes this book a must read for anyone wishing to understand labor history and by extension, Alinsky's own Rules For Radicals.
Out of his writings, Saul Alinsky is best known for Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals but his biography of John L. Lewis is a hidden gem. Alinsky obtained a remarkable degree of access to Lewis and was able to write a very revelatory work on him. He doesn't shy away from criticism of Lewis' dictatorial methods but also writes with some admiration for his boldness and ability to extract concessions from Presidents and corporate executives alike. Lewis changed the course of the labor movement with the formation of the CIO, a more radical and industrial-unionism-centered organization than the more conservative AFL. Throughout the 1930s, Lewis' CIO won major victories across the country, including in Flint Michigan with GM. Even his losses, such as the difficulty in organizing the South across racial lines in Operation Dixie, seem honorable in hindsight. Alinsky does a wonderful job of conveying how gutsy Lewis was, although Alinsky sometimes jumps around or introduces events/people without quite enough context.
But his obstinacy could get in the way--he stepped down from the CIO because FDR won re-election in 1940, while isolationist Lewis backed Wendell Wilkie (an odd twist considering how the New Deal aided the labor movement and how Wilkie was a corporate lawyer). In the end, this was driven by foreign policy and Lewis' personal break with FDR. He also broke with Phillip Murray and those within the labor movement who favored aligning it with the Democratic Party, seeking instead political independence with the prospect of forming a proper labor party. In general, his "tactics were based on the prime consideration of victory, with ethical considerations being an afterthought, if thought about at all" (351).
During the Second World War, Lewis flexed his muscle as leader of the UMWA by calling coal strikes during ongoing war efforts. The coal miners followed Lewis' lead, striking on and off despite government seizure of the mines and public pressure. The operators caved, as did President Roosevelt. Again in 1947, strikes flared up and Congress passed the anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act, but Lewis walked away with the UMWA Welfare funding, guaranteeing coal miners a lifelong pension and healthcare. This, Alinsky underlines, was one of his most important life achievements.
Sadly the book leaves off in 1949. The UMWA was later led by Lewis' handpicked successors and fell into corruption. This culminated in W. A. "Tony" Boyle's leadership; Boyle had an opponent murdered, marring the UMWA in the 1970s and beyond. Alinsky didn't really foresee how self-destructive the endemic corruption bred by strongmen ala Lewis would be. Thankfully, the corruption has receded, but it seriously damaged the movement.
Yet the UMWA survives today, led by Cecil Roberts. Roberts was born before Alinsky wrote this book and channels Lewis' folksy, targeted anger. Roberts may be among the last of his kind and leading a declining union, but miners today still have Lewis' battles to thank for their benefits.
An interesting story. I read it because it was written by Saul Alinsky, but it provides an interesting insight into a fascinating part of American history. It's a reminder of what unions did achieve and it is a contrast to the comparative powerless of unions these days.