Wedeen’s Ambiguities of Domination is a fascinating and seminal ethnographic study of Syrian political communication during the presidency of Hafiz al-Asad. In the book Wedeen argues al-Asad’s regime secured and asserted its political dominance through the use of symbols, operating as spectacles, which formed a larger personality cult built around the president
For Wedeen, the cult perpetuated an environment in which the regime’s supposedly legitimacy derived from its ability to control and dominate political discourse. This provided a means of undertaking simultaneous nation building and state building, a significant challenge to a post-colonial state like Syria whose borders had no historical precedent (pp.16-7). She sketches ways in which its domination spanned the Syrian public sphere, notably in the form of statue building and organised public rallies, before then looking in detail at films, jokes, and cartoons that demonstrate attempts by Syrians to subvert government rhetoric through subtle transgressions (pp.19-21).
Ultimately, however, Wedeen makes clear that the extent and limit of these transgressions was defined by the regime, which channelled ‘potentially regime-destructive energies along regime-constructive lines’ by specifying ‘the parameters of the permissible, communicating acceptable forms of speech and behaviour to citizens’ (pp.45, 144). In essence, it was the participation in the cult, the acting ‘as if’, which served to frame the conduct of Syrians in public life and thus limited the bounds of their transgression.
The book has stood the test of time, with the Damascus Spring (the period following Hafiz's death, characterised by a flourishing of various oppositional civil society groups calling for reform and pushing the boundaries of authorised transgression) offering a chance to reassess its conclusions. During this period, as demonstrated in Wedeen’s book, the limits of opposition in Syria ultimately remained in the control of the regime, which repressed the civil society forums after an initial period of tolerance.
The post 2011 uprisings gave us another opportunity to reflect on the work. Indeed, Wedeen addressed the initial protests in an updated preface in a 2015 reissue. She attested that ‘[t]he complexities of the first decade of the twenty-first century stand in contrast to this earlier period’. Whereas during the time of the elder al-Asad, and indeed during the Damascus Spring, oppositional groups tested but never greatly exceeded the limits of transgression set by the cult, in 2011 public demonstrations gave way to mobilised oppositional groups that directly challenged the regime. Often these groups subverted the very government rhetoric that had commanded hegemonic dominance for decades.
A valuable book, readable (despite its deep engagement with critical theory), and concise. Despite its primary focus on political communication during Hafiz's presidency, it remains an essential work for anyone wishing to further their understanding of Syrian history and contextualise the events leading up to the war.