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1024 pages, Paperback
First published October 12, 2001
Even without India he was less effective in bringing the bulk of the Conservative party round to the need for rearmament that was the softly nudging approach of flabby old Baldwin (Prime Minister 1935-1937), as he dismissively regarded him. Mainly because of India, but also because of his clanging anti-utopianism, Churchill had got himself into a box of isolation. He was an alarm clock, but he was a rasping one, which made most listeners more anxious to turn it off than to respond to its summons. (p. 474).Employment of language: Few can match Churchill's mastery of the English language, but Jenkins too knows how to deploy the king's English. This biography is a delight to read. The reader will discover:
“[Churchill] looks like a bird which was bound to beat its wings against whatever ceiling was placed above it" (p. 122).
About Churchill’s inquisitiveness: “his natural instinct was to shake any apple tree within reach to get as much fruit off it as he possibly could” (p. 143).
In reference to Hitler‘s desire to annex the rump of Czechoslovakia in March 1939, Jenkins writes: “1939, after the clashes of 1938, was for Churchill a year of rowing back towards the shore of government, although he, with a degree of justification, regarded it as a period in which the shore of government move more to meet him" (p.539).Mastery of language is not mastery of subject, but in Jenkins' work the two go hand-in-hand.
However no one who has ever been through the process of trying to remain within a party while disagreeing with its leadership on the central issue of the day should be inclined to criticize [Churchill] for this. The minor votes against one’s conviction, the attempts to set an artificial line and to confine rebellion to big issues, are all too familiar a feature of party politics, incomprehensible to those outside the game, but necessary, even to those who consider themselves brave, if they seek, however loosely, to operate within its frame (535).And this bit of commentary relative to WSC's second premiership:
Whether or not any other Prime Minister of either party would have done better on this front may be doubtful. What is more certain is that the sin of omission of the second Churchill government was that it failed to impart any new dynamic into the post-war British economy (p. 853).And this assessment/explanation for Churchill's pro-Stalin comments at the Yalta Conference in 1945:
WSC said, “I walk through this world with greater courage and hope when I find myself in a relation of friendship and intimacy with this great man, whose fame has gone out not only all over Russia, but the world." And later, WSC said, "We feel we have a friend whom we can trust.” Of course Churchill changed his estimation shortly thereafter, but about this effuse praise Jenkins writes, “Allowance must obviously be made for the headiness of the circumstances, and it can also be pleaded in mitigation that Churchill was frank about his flattery (which was largely reciprocated), publishing the text of the bouquets in his 1954 last volume of war memoirs." (p. 781) It was Churchill being a very frank Winston Churchill.Delightfully, while Jenkins is fond of Churchill, he does not grovel before him, as indicated in his summation regarding WSCs second premiership, about which he comments: "It is impossible to reread the details of Churchill’s life as Prime Minister of the second government without feeling that he was gloriously unfit for office. The oxymoron is appropriate to the contradictions of his performance” (p. 845).