“Life is unfair.”
John F. Kennedy, the man, and the president were accepting, almost comfortable with this three word sentence. He was super intelligent, clear to see for anyone who spent any amount of time with him, but at the same time seemed to possess a detached sort of curiosity. He preferred to rely on intelligence over emotion when approaching decisions. His “life is unfair” credo seemed to serve him like armour served a knight. Maybe this was for the best, considering the extremely demanding, tumultuous few years he spent as President of the United States of America.
In “President Kennedy” Richard Reeves first shows us Kennedy in the early days of his presidency, carrying with him just a few firm ideological standpoints: anti-communism, a lifelong belief that an action filled life was the best way to live and do things, and finally, in governing vigorously. He kept his options open, and except for a few cases, proved to be pragmatic in his decision making.
Because he accepted that life was largely unfair and unjust, and due to his nature as a practical decision maker, he to an analytical approached situations. One of the early examples of this came near the beginning of the book, it happened during Kennedy’s second meeting with Eisenhower on January 19, 1961, the eve of his own inauguration as president:
“If the situation was so critical, why didn’t you do something?” Kennedy asked Eisenhower about not deciding on moving troops into Laos. Eisenhower went on to explain that he thought it would be imprudent to commit troops with a new Administration coming to power. Kennedy’s response, according to his aids, to whom he referred to this exchange later, was not an emotional one of betrayal, Eisenhower choosing to put off a difficult, potentially unpopular decision for the next man, instead the president-elect takes the position that this is yet another evidence of the exact kind of passive thinking that he wanted to sweep away in his administration. He saw Eisenhower’s lack of decision making as a result of the man’s “remote” style of outmoded, “top of the organization chart” leadership style, the kind that relied too heavily, in Kennedy’s opinion, on committees, note making, minute-taking and “boxes on charts” style of slow moving organizational decision making.
As Kennedy assumed the presidency from Eisenhower, the stark difference in the styles of the two men would serve Kennedy well, allowing him to stand out more clearly as the young, vigorous leader of an action oriented administration. He could launch the idea of “New Frontier” with a clearer idea of what this new idea looked like in practical application: he, as chief executive would be the center of action, reviewing agency reports before decisions were made, as opposed to Eisenhower’s style of allowing his agencies to make most of the decisions, then forwarding “finished” looking reports to the president in an often sanitized version of actual events.
Reeves also touches on Kennedy’s health problems, and the man’s brave, almost stoic demonstration of personal grit and determination to hide his afflictions and almost daily physical pain. Reeves talks about Kennedy’s political ambition and his unwillingness to “wait his turn.” Other impatient, ambition-driven challengers might have been deterred, or even halted by the kind of physical punishment of Kennedy’s Addison’s disease and incessant back problems. But Kennedy accepted that he was not dealt a fair hand where health was concerned, but again, rather than lamenting the reality that “life was not fair” he wore a winning smile, pressed in with a firm handshake and projected all of the energy and vitality of a man in perfect health. He was a pragmatic about his health problems as he was about political decision making. There was no point in dwelling on afflictions, there were places he wanted to go, heights he wanted to attain, and he would not let his poor health stand in the way. Reeves biography of Kennedy showed this truth through a number of stories that were well told and instructive. One that stood out for me was a situation that one of his close friends, Paul Fay, once witnessed:
Kennedy was about to inject cortisone in his thigh with a syringe when Fay observed, “Jack, the way you take that jab, it looks like it doesn’t even hurt!” Kennedy turned quickly toward Fay and jabbed the needle into his thigh, his friend screamed in pain.
“It feels the same way to me.” Kennedy said.
Another area of Kennedy’s presidency that Reeves touches on in a unique way was the story of his first meeting with Frederick Nolting who previously served as deputy chief of the U.S. Mission to NATO in Paris that Kennedy was about to appoint as a U.S. foreign representative in South Vietnam. While Nolting was Kennedy’s primary visitor, there were also a number of other brand new U.S. ambassadors at this meeting. Kennedy, seeing an opportunity to get a clear message to all of these men, reached into his suit jacket pocket and pulled out a wrinkled piece of newsprint and began reading it aloud to his audience: “I’ve got a clipping here from the New York Times and it says, ‘The American embassy here is not terribly well regarded. They all seem to stay in the embassy and not get out into the countryside, or to meet all types of people.’” The president continued: “Now I hope that no such thing is going to be written about any one of you men here, present today…” and it’s this part that really stood out for me:
“Remember you’re ambassador to the country, to the whole country…don’t get desk bound.”
I especially liked this part for two reasons, one, because I haven’t come across this when reading other Kennedy biographies. Secondly, and more importantly, I believe Kennedy’s directive here is very relevant today. Perhaps even more critical than it was then. It seems that in the modern era, the Foreign Service heads that the U.S. sends to other countries are far more interested in aligning themselves with the power structure already present in the country. They seems to have forgotten Kennedy’s words, that they are ambassadors to “the whole country” and as a result, are cloistered in the country’s narrow power corridors and not much beyond.
Even worse, when the kind of ambassadors emerge who hear the Kennedy call, they are not sufficiently supported and protected by their government. Most tragically was the case of U.S. ambassador Christopher Stevens who was a passionate, committed, very involved career diplomat, whose last post was U.S. Ambassador to Libya. Despite Stevens repeated warnings of danger to the Special Mission in Benghazi, and his requests for additional security personnel, there was little help forthcoming from the State Department, and as a result, the mission was attacked by militants and Stevens was killed. These kind of attacks are the most tragic result of a long downward slide of American Foreign Service representation in these countries. I truly believe that if the presidents who followed Kennedy demanded the same of their ambassadors, and in turn, embassy staff, these kind of incidents would be far fewer and the U.S. would enjoy better relations in many of these countries.
Life was unfair for the civil rights movement in the early 1960’s. As I read Reeves account of the first months of the Kennedy administration, it was clear to me that while the young president recognized civil rights as an issue, there were a couple things working against early action in this area. One, was that the president himself was personally distant form these issues. His own life was one where he didn’t personally witness the spiteful and hateful prejudices going on in the inner cities and counties. The second issue was that Kennedy was distracted with other challenges. Reeves captures this when he writes about Kennedy’s first meeting with Martin Luther King Jr.:
“And he was still distracted later that day when he greeted another visitor, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. As much as Kennedy wanted to understand King’s motivations and politics, there always seemed to be something more important going on, and civil rights rated with the “minimum wage” of this particular day.”
That was in April of 1961, at the time Kennedy was president for just a few months. I found it intriguing that history has treated Kennedy as a champion of the civil rights movement, yet his early distracted inactivity would indicate that it was low priority in the early days of his administration. Of course, all of that changed. Reeves does a wonderful job of giving credit to the real heroes of the Civil Rights movement. My favorite was the story he shares about Diane Nash, the young lady who organized the “second round” of Freedom Riders, college students mostly, who would ride the Greyhound bus from Nashville to New Orleans. Robert Kennedy’s assistant, John Seigenthaler tried to dissuade Miss Nash on the grounds of safety. “This has to go forward” Nash told him. “You won’t make it to New Orleans, you’re going to get your people killed” Seigenthaler protested. “Then others will follow” Nash replied.
It was these kind of “scenes” that moved me, a real triumph for Richard Reeves. It was through stories like these that I came to understand that it wasn’t just President Kennedy inspiring people to stand up for what is right and just, it was also people like Diane Nash emboldening a president to make Civil Rights history. This wasn’t something I was aware of before, but its history I’m so glad to have learned.
On the international scene, Reeves give us an incredibly readable, entertaining look at Kennedy’s European summits in June of 1961. These were a lesson in contradiction: The glittering French summit where he and De Gaulle enjoyed talks ranging from art to history to politics to the Cold War, all while the smitten French citizens cheered the young president and his alluring wife until they were hoarse. Then there was the meetings with Soviet Premier Khrushchev in Vienna, chilling, frightening and fatiguing. Kennedy left these talks a shaken man, afraid for the safety of his country and the world. Finally, there was his last stop, to meet British Prime Minister Macmillan, the older man concerned as he received the exhausted and demoralized U.S. president. The chapters that covered these summits were ones I’ll never forget, I now know that Richard Reeves must write these with this intent in mind.
I read this book slowly, not because I was disinterested, but quite the opposite, I wished to savor every page. I highly recommend “President Kennedy” by Richard Reeves. Five-and-a-half stars!