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From Columbus to Castro: The History of the Caribbean, 1492 - 1969
The first of its kind, From Columbus to Castro is a definitive work about a profoundly important but neglected and misrepresented area of the world. Quite simply it's about millions of people scattered across an arc of islands -- Jamaica, Haiti, Barbados, Antigua, Martinique, Trinidad, among others -- separated by the languages and cultures of their colonizers, but joined together, nevertheless, by a common heritage.
608 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2000
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About the author
Eric Williams
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Eric^^Williams
Eric Eustace Williams TC CH was a Trinidad and Tobago politician who is regarded by some as the "Father of the Nation", having led the then British Colony of Trinidad and Tobago to majority rule on 28 October 1956, to independence on 31 August 1962, and republic status on 1 August 1976, leading an unbroken string of general elections victories with his political party, the People's National Movement, until his death in 1981. He was the first Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago and a noted Caribbean historian, especially for his book Capitalism and Slavery.
Eric^^Williams
Eric Eustace Williams TC CH was a Trinidad and Tobago politician who is regarded by some as the "Father of the Nation", having led the then British Colony of Trinidad and Tobago to majority rule on 28 October 1956, to independence on 31 August 1962, and republic status on 1 August 1976, leading an unbroken string of general elections victories with his political party, the People's National Movement, until his death in 1981. He was the first Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago and a noted Caribbean historian, especially for his book Capitalism and Slavery.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 36 reviews
October 3, 2024
I think if you are interested in the history of the Caribbean this is a great place to start reading. The book is very dense at times but Dr. Williams does a brillliant job of combing through the history of the Caribbean and I enjoyed learning things I did not know before.
December 27, 2024
From its beginnings, this history of the Caribbean region commands the reader’s attention and respect – in no small part because it was written by someone from the Caribbean, rather than by a British- or U.S.-based historian. Eric Williams’s 1970 book From Columbus to Castro: The History of the Caribbean can justly be called magisterial. Its treatment of the life of this region is that thorough, that comprehensive.
Eric Williams brings to the writing of From Columbus to Castro a wide variety of relevant experience – to say the least. Born in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, he attended Oxford University on a scholarship, and his doctoral dissertation was published as Capitalism and Slavery (1944), a work that garnered controversy in its time because of its tough-minded analysis of the role of slavery in the political and economic systems of the British Empire.
Williams didn't just write history; he made history. He oversaw Trinidad and Tobago’s transition from colony to independent republic as the country’s first prime minister, and to this day he is known in Trinidad and Tobago as the “Father of the Nation.” These credentials give Williams a formidable degree of authority as he sets forth his history of the Caribbean Basin.
The early chapters of From Columbus to Castro set forth the grim story of the European “discovery” of a region that had already been home to Indigenous people for thousands of years. Christopher Columbus’ 1492 arrival at the island that its people called Guanahani – he renamed it “San Salvador”; today, it is Watling Island, in the Commonwealth of the Bahamas – was a precursor to the death or enslavement of virtually all the Indigenous people of the region, and was the beginning of a grim legacy of colonialism.
Indeed, major themes of From Columbus to Castro take shape in these early chapters of the book. One, as mentioned just above, is colonialism: Many nations have sought to colonize the region as part of their own projects of achieving national greatness and hegemony: Spain, Portugal, France, England, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and later the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. Another is the issue of how workers were to be provided for labour-intensive crops like the sugar that can be harvested in such quantities in the sunny Caribbean.
One solution that sugar planters sought for the labour question was poor whites: a “system of white labour – indentured servants, convicts, and deportees – [that] was rationalised on much the same ground as Negro slavery was later to be” (p. 102). This initial system of indentured or convict white labour was abandoned relatively quickly; but as Williams points out,
[T]he system has its place in Caribbean history. It marked a further stage in the degradation of labour in the Caribbean. The lack of squeamishness shown in the forced labour of whites was a good training for the forced labour of blacks. The transportation of white servants established a precedent for the transportation of Negro slaves. The practice developed and tolerated in the kidnapping of whites laid the foundation for the kidnapping of Negroes. Bristol [England], Honfleur [France], and other ports turned without difficulty from the servant trade to the slave trade. (p. 103)
A chapter titled “Capitalism and Slavery” builds upon the ideas of Williams’s earlier book of that title in showing how, with such vast profits waiting to be made in the growth and marketing of sugar, governments in Europe found one justification after another for profiting off the forced labour of millions of men, women, and children. Williams also focuses on the many ways in which enslaved people resisted the system – most notably, the Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804, in which the French colonial regime of Saint-Domingue was overthrown and replaced by the world’s first black republic. Williams suggests that “the Saint-Domingue revolution differed fundamentally” from other uprisings like those of the Maroons in Jamaica “in that, ultimately, what was involved was the total abolition of slavery and the independent existence of an entire Negro state” (p. 200).
The abolition of slavery in the Caribbean occurred over many years and took many different shapes, and involved a wide range of economic, political, and social factors. I appreciated how Williams emphasized the role that enslaved people took in securing their own liberation. When discussing the abolition of slavery in the British Caribbean, for instance, Williams writes that “Behind the protracted discussions and negotiations which were taking place between the British Government, the capitalists, the humanitarians, and the planters, there stood the 540,539 slaves…in the West Indies” (pp. 320-21). The British knew well enough that enslaved people would not wait indefinitely for the freedom that was rightfully theirs – and that emancipation by legislation was preferable to emancipation through a violent revolution such as had occurred at Saint-Domingue.
Sadly, though, many colonizing nations sought, while abolishing slavery, to retain as many features of a slaveholding system as possible, in order to keep the sugar going out and the money coming in. In 1860’s Jamaica, for instance, a growing population of free people of colour who owned land, qualified for the right to vote, and served in the colonial assembly came into conflict with a colonial governor who “owed his position solely to Colonial Office patronage”, and who was “[e]quipped neither by intellect nor by temperament to deal with a prickly situation” (p. 400). What resulted was the Morant Bay rebellion of 1865, in which “a reign of terror was unleashed for a parallel to which one must go to Saint-Domingue before the victory of the slave revolution” (p. 401).
The later chapters of From Columbus to Castro might be troubling, to American readers, because of the way Williams shows how successive U.S. administrations consistently supported dictators like Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic, both before and during the Cold War years. As Williams remarks, it is sad that the United States, a nation born in revolution, so often played a counter-revolutionary role in the Caribbean. Against that context, Williams provides a persuasive setting-forth of why the revolutionary Castro regime in Cuba – one that was just as brutal as the Batista regime that it replaced – nonetheless enjoyed such popularity and support among many ordinary Cubans.
In a final chapter titled “The Future of the Caribbean,” Williams asks, “What, then, is the future of the Caribbean?”, and then provides this thought-provoking answer:
Given its past history, the future of the Caribbean can only be meaningfully discussed in terms of the possibilities for the emergence of an identity for the region and its peoples. The whole history of the Caribbean so far can be viewed as a conspiracy to block the emergence of a Caribbean identity – in politics, in institutions, in economics, in culture, and in values. Viewed in historic perspective, the future way forward for the peoples of the Caribbean must be one which would impel them to start making their own history, to be the subjects rather than the objects of history, to stop being the playthings of other people. (pp. 503-04).
I have travelled in a number of nations and territories of the Caribbean -- The Bahamas, Cuba, Jamaica, Saint-Martin, Sint Maarten, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Antigua and Barbuda, Guadeloupe, Martinique, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Barbados. My conversations with people in all of these nations and territories reinforced my sense of the accuracy and insight of Williams's observations. From my time in Cuba, for instance, I doubly appreciated Williams's saluting Jose Marti as "a philosopher-statesman" who "constitutes with Washington, Jefferson, and Bolivar the great quadrumvirate of the history of the Western Hemisphere, and ranks with Las Casas among the greatest gifts of Spanish civilisation to the Caribbean and the world" (p. 406). The better one knows the Caribbean, the more one is likely to appreciate From Columbus to Castro.
Williams favours a quantitative approach to history, and some of the more statistics-oriented passages of the book may not appeal strongly to contemporary readers. Nonetheless, more than fifty years after its publication, From Columbus to Castro remains a vital and indispensable history of the Caribbean – and a potential guide toward a freer and more prosperous future for the region.
Eric Williams brings to the writing of From Columbus to Castro a wide variety of relevant experience – to say the least. Born in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, he attended Oxford University on a scholarship, and his doctoral dissertation was published as Capitalism and Slavery (1944), a work that garnered controversy in its time because of its tough-minded analysis of the role of slavery in the political and economic systems of the British Empire.
Williams didn't just write history; he made history. He oversaw Trinidad and Tobago’s transition from colony to independent republic as the country’s first prime minister, and to this day he is known in Trinidad and Tobago as the “Father of the Nation.” These credentials give Williams a formidable degree of authority as he sets forth his history of the Caribbean Basin.
The early chapters of From Columbus to Castro set forth the grim story of the European “discovery” of a region that had already been home to Indigenous people for thousands of years. Christopher Columbus’ 1492 arrival at the island that its people called Guanahani – he renamed it “San Salvador”; today, it is Watling Island, in the Commonwealth of the Bahamas – was a precursor to the death or enslavement of virtually all the Indigenous people of the region, and was the beginning of a grim legacy of colonialism.
Indeed, major themes of From Columbus to Castro take shape in these early chapters of the book. One, as mentioned just above, is colonialism: Many nations have sought to colonize the region as part of their own projects of achieving national greatness and hegemony: Spain, Portugal, France, England, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and later the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. Another is the issue of how workers were to be provided for labour-intensive crops like the sugar that can be harvested in such quantities in the sunny Caribbean.
One solution that sugar planters sought for the labour question was poor whites: a “system of white labour – indentured servants, convicts, and deportees – [that] was rationalised on much the same ground as Negro slavery was later to be” (p. 102). This initial system of indentured or convict white labour was abandoned relatively quickly; but as Williams points out,
[T]he system has its place in Caribbean history. It marked a further stage in the degradation of labour in the Caribbean. The lack of squeamishness shown in the forced labour of whites was a good training for the forced labour of blacks. The transportation of white servants established a precedent for the transportation of Negro slaves. The practice developed and tolerated in the kidnapping of whites laid the foundation for the kidnapping of Negroes. Bristol [England], Honfleur [France], and other ports turned without difficulty from the servant trade to the slave trade. (p. 103)
A chapter titled “Capitalism and Slavery” builds upon the ideas of Williams’s earlier book of that title in showing how, with such vast profits waiting to be made in the growth and marketing of sugar, governments in Europe found one justification after another for profiting off the forced labour of millions of men, women, and children. Williams also focuses on the many ways in which enslaved people resisted the system – most notably, the Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804, in which the French colonial regime of Saint-Domingue was overthrown and replaced by the world’s first black republic. Williams suggests that “the Saint-Domingue revolution differed fundamentally” from other uprisings like those of the Maroons in Jamaica “in that, ultimately, what was involved was the total abolition of slavery and the independent existence of an entire Negro state” (p. 200).
The abolition of slavery in the Caribbean occurred over many years and took many different shapes, and involved a wide range of economic, political, and social factors. I appreciated how Williams emphasized the role that enslaved people took in securing their own liberation. When discussing the abolition of slavery in the British Caribbean, for instance, Williams writes that “Behind the protracted discussions and negotiations which were taking place between the British Government, the capitalists, the humanitarians, and the planters, there stood the 540,539 slaves…in the West Indies” (pp. 320-21). The British knew well enough that enslaved people would not wait indefinitely for the freedom that was rightfully theirs – and that emancipation by legislation was preferable to emancipation through a violent revolution such as had occurred at Saint-Domingue.
Sadly, though, many colonizing nations sought, while abolishing slavery, to retain as many features of a slaveholding system as possible, in order to keep the sugar going out and the money coming in. In 1860’s Jamaica, for instance, a growing population of free people of colour who owned land, qualified for the right to vote, and served in the colonial assembly came into conflict with a colonial governor who “owed his position solely to Colonial Office patronage”, and who was “[e]quipped neither by intellect nor by temperament to deal with a prickly situation” (p. 400). What resulted was the Morant Bay rebellion of 1865, in which “a reign of terror was unleashed for a parallel to which one must go to Saint-Domingue before the victory of the slave revolution” (p. 401).
The later chapters of From Columbus to Castro might be troubling, to American readers, because of the way Williams shows how successive U.S. administrations consistently supported dictators like Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic, both before and during the Cold War years. As Williams remarks, it is sad that the United States, a nation born in revolution, so often played a counter-revolutionary role in the Caribbean. Against that context, Williams provides a persuasive setting-forth of why the revolutionary Castro regime in Cuba – one that was just as brutal as the Batista regime that it replaced – nonetheless enjoyed such popularity and support among many ordinary Cubans.
In a final chapter titled “The Future of the Caribbean,” Williams asks, “What, then, is the future of the Caribbean?”, and then provides this thought-provoking answer:
Given its past history, the future of the Caribbean can only be meaningfully discussed in terms of the possibilities for the emergence of an identity for the region and its peoples. The whole history of the Caribbean so far can be viewed as a conspiracy to block the emergence of a Caribbean identity – in politics, in institutions, in economics, in culture, and in values. Viewed in historic perspective, the future way forward for the peoples of the Caribbean must be one which would impel them to start making their own history, to be the subjects rather than the objects of history, to stop being the playthings of other people. (pp. 503-04).
I have travelled in a number of nations and territories of the Caribbean -- The Bahamas, Cuba, Jamaica, Saint-Martin, Sint Maarten, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Antigua and Barbuda, Guadeloupe, Martinique, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Barbados. My conversations with people in all of these nations and territories reinforced my sense of the accuracy and insight of Williams's observations. From my time in Cuba, for instance, I doubly appreciated Williams's saluting Jose Marti as "a philosopher-statesman" who "constitutes with Washington, Jefferson, and Bolivar the great quadrumvirate of the history of the Western Hemisphere, and ranks with Las Casas among the greatest gifts of Spanish civilisation to the Caribbean and the world" (p. 406). The better one knows the Caribbean, the more one is likely to appreciate From Columbus to Castro.
Williams favours a quantitative approach to history, and some of the more statistics-oriented passages of the book may not appeal strongly to contemporary readers. Nonetheless, more than fifty years after its publication, From Columbus to Castro remains a vital and indispensable history of the Caribbean – and a potential guide toward a freer and more prosperous future for the region.
January 26, 2010
I went to Puerto Rico for New Years in 2007 to visit a friend from college. I went expecting to see something familiar, something like the United States, or more like Florida, or even more like the neighborhood in the Bronx I lived one summer. But it was clearly very different from all of those, very much its own culture distinct from what I knew in the U.S. and with a history obviously its own. When I got back to California I decided to find a book on the history of the Caribbean, and lucky for me this was the first book I stumbled on in a used book store. If I were a more prepared traveler, of course, I would have read this before my trip to prepare my mind for the experience.
Eric Williams was the first Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago as well as a serious historian and academic. Capitalism was the driving force behind slavery and Williams doesn't shy away from its brutality. In addition to the enslavement of generations of people, you can add genocide of almost every indigenous Caribbean islander to the list as well.
The scope of this book is pretty huge -- 500 years of history in the Caribbean as well as all the colonial powers vying for power there. But it serves as a great survey, along with some powerful analysis that turned me on to a number of other books on the topic.
Eric Williams was the first Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago as well as a serious historian and academic. Capitalism was the driving force behind slavery and Williams doesn't shy away from its brutality. In addition to the enslavement of generations of people, you can add genocide of almost every indigenous Caribbean islander to the list as well.
The scope of this book is pretty huge -- 500 years of history in the Caribbean as well as all the colonial powers vying for power there. But it serves as a great survey, along with some powerful analysis that turned me on to a number of other books on the topic.
February 29, 2024
Millions upon millions of people descend on the Caribbean every year for vacations on cruises or to spend all their time at hermetically-sealed resorts in places like Jamaica, the Dom Rep (as Germans call it), Cuba or the Virgin Islands. Escapism from their everyday worlds is paramount; sun, water activities and drinking—not culture or history—are on their agendas. Every now and then, the destruction of hurricanes register for fleeting moments of concern. But they dissipate soon. Moguls like to buy islands to create their own fantasy worlds. Richard Branson and Jeffrey Epstein, though not similar, come to mind immediately. But do any of them actually know about the history of the Caribbean? Do they care? Should they?
When Columbus set foot on an island he mistook for India, he unleashed “the first gold-rush in the history of the modern world.” More significantly, he set the repeating pattern of how the Caribbean was to be treated for the rest of recorded history. Eric Williams, an economist who would become the first prime minister of Trinidad and Tobago, lays out this thesis in exacting detail, tying together history and statistics into a compelling argument that the Caribbean has been a means toward the ends of exploitation and greed; the wealth, resources and pleasure derived from the region have come at the cost of blood, terror and seemingly never-ending injustice.
The people who were there—until they were wiped out by violence and disease—and enslaved Africans who replaced them were expendable with the singular purpose of serving the greed and strategic interests of European centers of power. There was also a repeating cycle fed by the tensions “between metropolitan and colonial interests.” For them, the islands were there to produce sugar for which they had a monopoly of the slave trade to maintain the productivity of the cane fields. “Europe has seldom been as unanimous on any issue as it has been on the value of Negro slave labor.” With the waning of the Spanish empire in the 17th century, the English filled the void to create profitable sugar plantation in Barbados, Jamaica and other islands. The French, Dutch and Danes claiming their territories later. The one thing that they shared was a strict system of mercantilism through which production on the islands was dominated by the mono crop of sugar, making the owners rich and politically powerful in their home nations to further their continued dominance. The French in particular pioneered the concept of “the exclusive” to “subordinat[e] colonial interests to those of the metropolitan country.” The Caribbean islands provided the raw material of sugar cane but only the ruling nation could refine and distribute the value-added results and the brutal conditions of slavery fed a seemingly never-ending slave trade from Africa.
The exploitation of the Caribbean by larger, more prosperous and powerful countries continues unabated. Although this history was written in 1969, it seems as important to contemporary history as if it had been written today. Let's hope some of those tourists who extract fun and resources from the region will pick up a copy next time they're there.
When Columbus set foot on an island he mistook for India, he unleashed “the first gold-rush in the history of the modern world.” More significantly, he set the repeating pattern of how the Caribbean was to be treated for the rest of recorded history. Eric Williams, an economist who would become the first prime minister of Trinidad and Tobago, lays out this thesis in exacting detail, tying together history and statistics into a compelling argument that the Caribbean has been a means toward the ends of exploitation and greed; the wealth, resources and pleasure derived from the region have come at the cost of blood, terror and seemingly never-ending injustice.
The people who were there—until they were wiped out by violence and disease—and enslaved Africans who replaced them were expendable with the singular purpose of serving the greed and strategic interests of European centers of power. There was also a repeating cycle fed by the tensions “between metropolitan and colonial interests.” For them, the islands were there to produce sugar for which they had a monopoly of the slave trade to maintain the productivity of the cane fields. “Europe has seldom been as unanimous on any issue as it has been on the value of Negro slave labor.” With the waning of the Spanish empire in the 17th century, the English filled the void to create profitable sugar plantation in Barbados, Jamaica and other islands. The French, Dutch and Danes claiming their territories later. The one thing that they shared was a strict system of mercantilism through which production on the islands was dominated by the mono crop of sugar, making the owners rich and politically powerful in their home nations to further their continued dominance. The French in particular pioneered the concept of “the exclusive” to “subordinat[e] colonial interests to those of the metropolitan country.” The Caribbean islands provided the raw material of sugar cane but only the ruling nation could refine and distribute the value-added results and the brutal conditions of slavery fed a seemingly never-ending slave trade from Africa.
The exploitation of the Caribbean by larger, more prosperous and powerful countries continues unabated. Although this history was written in 1969, it seems as important to contemporary history as if it had been written today. Let's hope some of those tourists who extract fun and resources from the region will pick up a copy next time they're there.
September 23, 2019
This book is dense! A comprehensive history of the Caribbean that feels like a course in Caribbean history. I took over 3 months to complete this book but that says more about my reading habits than it does about how enjoyable this book is. Beginning with Columbus’ westward expedition, Williams tells the history of the Caribbean through to the then present (published in 1970) and his hopes for what Castro’s revolution in Cuba would represent for a post colonial Caribbean. All the while he highlights how capitalist motivations influenced the policies of the various European nations with respect to their West Indian colonies. In this regard, it expands on a theme Williams thoroughly examined in Capitalism and Slavery; that mercantile capitalism was responsible for the rise of the transatlantic slave trade and slavery in the Americas, which made possible the advent of industrial capitalism, which eventually was responsible for the abolition of slavery. In this book, he goes on to show how capitalist interests affected and shaped every colonial policy in the Americas.
Although, as I said, the book is dense, Williams has the ability to present complex ideas, and the relevant historical data as supporting evidence, in such a clear manner that it seems matter of fact. In this matter of fact manner he also dismisses what were commonly held beliefs up to that time. It is clear that one of the motivations behind writing this book was to present a history of the Caribbean from the perspective of those whose lives and labour were exploited to the benefit of European metropoles rather than from the perspective of the metropoles themselves. However, don’t let the complexity or political undertones I’ve mentioned lead you to believe that this is not an enjoyable read. The history of the Caribbean is fascinating!
It’s hard to believe that despite how important this region was to the global economy and to the rise and fall of the various super powers who controlled these islands, that now much of this history is forgotten and our islands are almost overlooked. The history of these islands is also replete with cruelty and tragedy as well as resistance, revolt and revolution. Williams ends the book with what he believes is a roadmap for the citizens of the Caribbean to autonomy and self governance and for the region to take its true place in Latin America and the New World. I highly recommend this book to anyone interested in Caribbean history and I think it’s a valuable book to have in your library as a reference text.
Although, as I said, the book is dense, Williams has the ability to present complex ideas, and the relevant historical data as supporting evidence, in such a clear manner that it seems matter of fact. In this matter of fact manner he also dismisses what were commonly held beliefs up to that time. It is clear that one of the motivations behind writing this book was to present a history of the Caribbean from the perspective of those whose lives and labour were exploited to the benefit of European metropoles rather than from the perspective of the metropoles themselves. However, don’t let the complexity or political undertones I’ve mentioned lead you to believe that this is not an enjoyable read. The history of the Caribbean is fascinating!
It’s hard to believe that despite how important this region was to the global economy and to the rise and fall of the various super powers who controlled these islands, that now much of this history is forgotten and our islands are almost overlooked. The history of these islands is also replete with cruelty and tragedy as well as resistance, revolt and revolution. Williams ends the book with what he believes is a roadmap for the citizens of the Caribbean to autonomy and self governance and for the region to take its true place in Latin America and the New World. I highly recommend this book to anyone interested in Caribbean history and I think it’s a valuable book to have in your library as a reference text.
January 30, 2022
It is finished - Jesus Christ the Messiah
From Columbus to Castro: The History of the Caribbean is a masterpiece of economic and (somewhat) political history. This is not a light read. It is, however, a very informative one. Published in 1970 From Columbus to Castro is a classic in the field of Caribbean history. The amount of information Williams was about to pack into this text is astounding. I aspire to such research depths and heights. Since Williams is writing from an economic and political view the narrative of From Columbus to Castro is dry but to counter that the characters of From Columbus to Castro are very short, making the information consumable. There are 49 chapters in here with titles ranging from "A sixteenth-century view of the West Indies" to "A Slave in Chains" to "Che' Guevara." The main theme of From Columbus to Castro here is capitalism. Economics driving how the Caribbean is colonized and its resources subsequently drained by European powers are in every chapter. Presenting data analysis and statistics, Williams makes his claims with powerful proof. However, throughout the text, there is no endnotes or footnotes, not citations at all. There is a bibliography but no way to check on all of the statistics and data he presents us. The bibliography is extensive though!! Eric Williams ends with suggestions on moving forward as a united Caribbean. From Columbus to Castro is a great read for anyone deeply interested in Caribbean history. If you want more narrative history, I would suggest another text. From Columbus to Castro is a great reference work and addition to anyone's shelf.
Quotes from the last chapter
“A too-long history of colonialism seems to have crippled Caribbean self-confidence and Caribbean self-reliance, and a vicious circle has been set up: psychological dependence leads to an ever-growing economic and cultural dependence on the outside world. Fragmentation is intensified in the process. And the greater degree of dependence and fragmentation further reduces local self-confidence.”
“Fragmentation is accompanied by massive dependence on the outside world, even in the independent countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean. With the exception of Cuba (the character of whose dependence is different from that of the others), the politically dependent and the politically independent countries of the Caribbean differ only in the latter’s possession of formal sovereignty. For the most part, they are all high dependent on the outside world— for economic aid; for large portions of the capital annually invested in both the traditional and the new manufacturing and tourist sectors of the economy; for sheltered markets for their traditional primary products; and even for emigration outlets for their surplus labour….”
“It is not possible at this stage to sketch out precisely the type of relationship which might be established between the Commonwealth and non-Commonwealth Caribbean. Suffice it to say there is great scope for functional collaboration in respect of the production, processing and marketing of commodities such as sugar and minerals such as bauxite; for the exchange of technological and scientific knowledge; for the rationalism of regional agriculture; and, not least, for the establishment of regional integrated industries in specific sectors, drawing their raw materials either from regional or extra-regional sources and serving both regional and non-regional markets.
Once there is true integration among all the units of the Caribbean, and once all the vestiges of political, economic, cultural and psychological dependence and of racism have been removed from the Caribbean, then and only then can the Caribbean take its true place in Latin America and the New World. And put an end to the international wars and inter-regional squabbles which, from Columbus to Castro, have marked the disposition of Adam’s will.”
From Columbus to Castro: The History of the Caribbean is a masterpiece of economic and (somewhat) political history. This is not a light read. It is, however, a very informative one. Published in 1970 From Columbus to Castro is a classic in the field of Caribbean history. The amount of information Williams was about to pack into this text is astounding. I aspire to such research depths and heights. Since Williams is writing from an economic and political view the narrative of From Columbus to Castro is dry but to counter that the characters of From Columbus to Castro are very short, making the information consumable. There are 49 chapters in here with titles ranging from "A sixteenth-century view of the West Indies" to "A Slave in Chains" to "Che' Guevara." The main theme of From Columbus to Castro here is capitalism. Economics driving how the Caribbean is colonized and its resources subsequently drained by European powers are in every chapter. Presenting data analysis and statistics, Williams makes his claims with powerful proof. However, throughout the text, there is no endnotes or footnotes, not citations at all. There is a bibliography but no way to check on all of the statistics and data he presents us. The bibliography is extensive though!! Eric Williams ends with suggestions on moving forward as a united Caribbean. From Columbus to Castro is a great read for anyone deeply interested in Caribbean history. If you want more narrative history, I would suggest another text. From Columbus to Castro is a great reference work and addition to anyone's shelf.
Quotes from the last chapter
“A too-long history of colonialism seems to have crippled Caribbean self-confidence and Caribbean self-reliance, and a vicious circle has been set up: psychological dependence leads to an ever-growing economic and cultural dependence on the outside world. Fragmentation is intensified in the process. And the greater degree of dependence and fragmentation further reduces local self-confidence.”
“Fragmentation is accompanied by massive dependence on the outside world, even in the independent countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean. With the exception of Cuba (the character of whose dependence is different from that of the others), the politically dependent and the politically independent countries of the Caribbean differ only in the latter’s possession of formal sovereignty. For the most part, they are all high dependent on the outside world— for economic aid; for large portions of the capital annually invested in both the traditional and the new manufacturing and tourist sectors of the economy; for sheltered markets for their traditional primary products; and even for emigration outlets for their surplus labour….”
“It is not possible at this stage to sketch out precisely the type of relationship which might be established between the Commonwealth and non-Commonwealth Caribbean. Suffice it to say there is great scope for functional collaboration in respect of the production, processing and marketing of commodities such as sugar and minerals such as bauxite; for the exchange of technological and scientific knowledge; for the rationalism of regional agriculture; and, not least, for the establishment of regional integrated industries in specific sectors, drawing their raw materials either from regional or extra-regional sources and serving both regional and non-regional markets.
Once there is true integration among all the units of the Caribbean, and once all the vestiges of political, economic, cultural and psychological dependence and of racism have been removed from the Caribbean, then and only then can the Caribbean take its true place in Latin America and the New World. And put an end to the international wars and inter-regional squabbles which, from Columbus to Castro, have marked the disposition of Adam’s will.”
March 10, 2009
The history of the sugar industry and slave trade really framed most of the history of the Caribbean. In that sense, this book was really right on the money. It includes everything you ever wanted to know about the two industries and how they influenced the development of the region.
However, this book was a little hard to swallow. It was very heavy on the historical facts and figures, and not so great with the historical narrative. In other words, it was very detailed in telling the reader exactly how many sugar plantations were in Haiti in 1853 and how much sugar each plantation produced, but it took some digging to really extract the story behind what the facts and figured really meant.
What I enjoyed most about this book was the chapter on Castroism. Here in 2009, it is difficult to understand Castro's appeal and why the Cuban people have tolerated him and his policies for so long. It also is not entirely clear why Cuba is so staunchly anti-American. This book presents the case from the Cuban perspective. Everything from the US annexation after the Spanish-American war, to the takeover of the Cuban sugar industry by US businesses, to the poor social and living conditions that existed under the US-supported Batista regime. In plain terms, Castro's revolution made sense and was justified once upon a time. The problem is that he made too many mistakes in his first few years of leading the country, and he refused to acknowledge or rectify any of them. The author did not have the benefit of hindsight that we have today, and he could not have predicted the extent to which Cuba became reliant on the USSR to survive. The background that Williams provides gives us sufficient context to understand where Cuba went wrong, and perhaps how to help them get back on track.
This book was published in 1970. I would like to see an updated copy to better understand the developments in the past 40 years. Many of the predictions he made in the final chapter came true, and many did not. Williams had a very unique perspective on the issues of colonialism, the sugar industry, and slave trade, and I would like to get his thoughts on where the region stands today. Are they better off than they were 40 years ago? Looking at what is currently happening in Haiti and Guadeloupe, it may not seem so. Regardless, this book was worth the read for anyone who is really interested in the history of the Western Hemisphere.
However, this book was a little hard to swallow. It was very heavy on the historical facts and figures, and not so great with the historical narrative. In other words, it was very detailed in telling the reader exactly how many sugar plantations were in Haiti in 1853 and how much sugar each plantation produced, but it took some digging to really extract the story behind what the facts and figured really meant.
What I enjoyed most about this book was the chapter on Castroism. Here in 2009, it is difficult to understand Castro's appeal and why the Cuban people have tolerated him and his policies for so long. It also is not entirely clear why Cuba is so staunchly anti-American. This book presents the case from the Cuban perspective. Everything from the US annexation after the Spanish-American war, to the takeover of the Cuban sugar industry by US businesses, to the poor social and living conditions that existed under the US-supported Batista regime. In plain terms, Castro's revolution made sense and was justified once upon a time. The problem is that he made too many mistakes in his first few years of leading the country, and he refused to acknowledge or rectify any of them. The author did not have the benefit of hindsight that we have today, and he could not have predicted the extent to which Cuba became reliant on the USSR to survive. The background that Williams provides gives us sufficient context to understand where Cuba went wrong, and perhaps how to help them get back on track.
This book was published in 1970. I would like to see an updated copy to better understand the developments in the past 40 years. Many of the predictions he made in the final chapter came true, and many did not. Williams had a very unique perspective on the issues of colonialism, the sugar industry, and slave trade, and I would like to get his thoughts on where the region stands today. Are they better off than they were 40 years ago? Looking at what is currently happening in Haiti and Guadeloupe, it may not seem so. Regardless, this book was worth the read for anyone who is really interested in the history of the Western Hemisphere.
September 16, 2014
Why do so many Puerto Ricans still speak Spanish? Why is the Caribbean economy still developing? Why was there so much interest and warfare regarding these small islands? Was sugar really more important than gold?
I don't tend to write a lot of reviews; more often than not, I generally feel that the * indicator is enough to determine if a book is worth reading. But in this case, I need to make an exception. I picked this book up as a casual reader of Caribbean history and culture. I don't think I was fully prepared for what Mr. Williams had in store.
This is one of the best books I have ever read. In terms of its breadth and depth of information, its style, its content, and its approach, this book offers a comprehensive view of the Caribbean and is invaluable for anyone in anyway related to the Caribbean: education, business, politics, sociology, or even if you just have a Cuban or Puerto Rican or Haitian friend.
The only caveat is its density. There are moments when the detail can seem to overshadow the trajectory of the book. However, when taken into account, it deepens the impact. The basic chronological flow allows the reader to follow even when discussing multiple countries or economic factors, across several seas and oceans. The chapter breakdown makes it an easy supplement for any student of history and facilitates progress for the casual reader.
This is not an easy book, not something for the beach. But, for those times you want to immerse yourself in a story that simultaneously parallels and intersects with the American story, pick it up and then sit down.
So glad I read this.
I don't tend to write a lot of reviews; more often than not, I generally feel that the * indicator is enough to determine if a book is worth reading. But in this case, I need to make an exception. I picked this book up as a casual reader of Caribbean history and culture. I don't think I was fully prepared for what Mr. Williams had in store.
This is one of the best books I have ever read. In terms of its breadth and depth of information, its style, its content, and its approach, this book offers a comprehensive view of the Caribbean and is invaluable for anyone in anyway related to the Caribbean: education, business, politics, sociology, or even if you just have a Cuban or Puerto Rican or Haitian friend.
The only caveat is its density. There are moments when the detail can seem to overshadow the trajectory of the book. However, when taken into account, it deepens the impact. The basic chronological flow allows the reader to follow even when discussing multiple countries or economic factors, across several seas and oceans. The chapter breakdown makes it an easy supplement for any student of history and facilitates progress for the casual reader.
This is not an easy book, not something for the beach. But, for those times you want to immerse yourself in a story that simultaneously parallels and intersects with the American story, pick it up and then sit down.
So glad I read this.
March 26, 2025
Finally finished this. A long, dense, DENSE, mostly economic and commercial history of the Carribean from Columbus' landing up until what was then the present day. Written by Caribbean scholar and then-PM of Trinidad and Tobago Eric Williams, the book really doesn't let you take its word for anything. any claim about commerce or something is immediately backed up by a table with the requisite numbers.
European (and later American) economic whims and political goings-on are obviously extremely germane to the history of the Caribbean (and unfortunately continue to be), but I still felt Williams could have afforded a little more agency to the West Indians themselves. This isn't a knock on Williams or this book, but I kind of wish there existed a similar book that instead centered Africa in its study of the region, rather than Europe. Also, it cannot be understated how much of this book is about commerce. Like, it really is almost purely an economic history, with occasional tinges of social history.
Ultimately, though, this is a story of dependence, and as Williams puts it, being the world's "playthings." By the end of it, Williams is hopeful that a new future can be charted for the Caribbean, one defined by cooperation between the islands, economic independence, and above all, psychological independence from the colonial powers. He is harshly critical but ultimately hopeful of the then-young Cuban revolutionary project, believing that through trial and error the island will chart a true West Indian path, a definitive clean break with the colonial and interdependent past. He also believes Puerto Rico would soon become a state, and boils down there development to "higher economic development at the cost of the soul of the nation." Now, in 2025, it seems Puerto Rico has neither. He also wished that the West Indian Federation which he spearheaded would have worked, and that the only path forward is for Caribbean unity.
One thing I'm definitely knocking points for is when Williams calls Washington, Jefferson, Bolívar, and José Marti the "quadrumvirate of Western hemisphere history." A blatant omission fo Toussaint L'Ouverture. For all his talk of West Indian unity, he is at the end of the day an English-speaking Caribbean man who likely looked down on Haiti, like many did and still do. I just cannot believe THOMAS JEFFERSON gets that spot before Toussaint.
Also, there's some pretty funny parts where he bigs up the People's National Movement of Trinidad, neglecting to mention that it was the political party that he founded.
European (and later American) economic whims and political goings-on are obviously extremely germane to the history of the Caribbean (and unfortunately continue to be), but I still felt Williams could have afforded a little more agency to the West Indians themselves. This isn't a knock on Williams or this book, but I kind of wish there existed a similar book that instead centered Africa in its study of the region, rather than Europe. Also, it cannot be understated how much of this book is about commerce. Like, it really is almost purely an economic history, with occasional tinges of social history.
Ultimately, though, this is a story of dependence, and as Williams puts it, being the world's "playthings." By the end of it, Williams is hopeful that a new future can be charted for the Caribbean, one defined by cooperation between the islands, economic independence, and above all, psychological independence from the colonial powers. He is harshly critical but ultimately hopeful of the then-young Cuban revolutionary project, believing that through trial and error the island will chart a true West Indian path, a definitive clean break with the colonial and interdependent past. He also believes Puerto Rico would soon become a state, and boils down there development to "higher economic development at the cost of the soul of the nation." Now, in 2025, it seems Puerto Rico has neither. He also wished that the West Indian Federation which he spearheaded would have worked, and that the only path forward is for Caribbean unity.
One thing I'm definitely knocking points for is when Williams calls Washington, Jefferson, Bolívar, and José Marti the "quadrumvirate of Western hemisphere history." A blatant omission fo Toussaint L'Ouverture. For all his talk of West Indian unity, he is at the end of the day an English-speaking Caribbean man who likely looked down on Haiti, like many did and still do. I just cannot believe THOMAS JEFFERSON gets that spot before Toussaint.
Also, there's some pretty funny parts where he bigs up the People's National Movement of Trinidad, neglecting to mention that it was the political party that he founded.
April 21, 2024
Great scholarship is not always that readable…..
Look, there’s no doubt that Eric Williams was intelligent nor that he wrote several well-researched volumes of history. He was recognized by his country (Trinidad and Tobago) and was chosen by his party to be Prime Minister of that country for 19 years, ending in 1981 with his death at the early age of 69. A previous volume to this one, entitled “Capitalism and Slavery” (1944) was a major contribution to the study of slavery and its relationship to the British Empire. I have not read it. The present volume attempts to be “the history of the Caribbean” as the subtitle declares. I don’t believe any history of such a wide area can be definitive, so I would rather describe it as A history of the region, a very painstakingly researched one at that.
Starting with the Spanish invasion of the islands and their subsequent partial-ignoring when Mexico and Peru offered their vast treasures for plundering, the author goes on to describe the constant battles among European nations for control of the many islands, calling the Caribbean “the cockpit of Europe”. Control of the various islands changed hands many times, fortunes were made and lost, and very soon the original inhabitants had almost disappeared. At first poor whites were encouraged to assume indentured labor roles in many islands, but when sugar became the main crop, a larger work force was required. As we know, the colonial powers—Britain, France, Holland, Spain and Denmark—turned to the slave trade from Africa to satisfy their need for labor. The enormous injustice and cruelty growing from this trade is well known. The sugar business became the source of fabulous wealth for a few, accrued on the backs of slaves. By the end of the 18th century, anti-slavery groups had grown up, especially in England, but they achieved little success until, with the rise of industrial capitalism, the sugar trade lost its primacy and Europe had found many other sources of sugar, especially in India, Java, and interestingly enough, from the sugar beet crops of Germany, Austria, Russia and other northern countries. The sugar industry in the West Indies remained stultified and backward perhaps because it was funded by absentee capital from the metropoles, invested by people far from the actual business. Suddenly, Britain took the lead in suppressing the slave trade, though the evil institution remained alive well into the 19th century. The author goes into the effect the American Revolution had on destroying the British mercantilist system in the Caribbean and the opening of their ports, plus the effect of the Haitian Revolution on the French activity in the islands. The latter part of the 19th century saw the rise of American commercial interests and investments in the various parts of the Caribbean. The American sugar industry in Cuba and Puerto Rico eventually dwarfed the older European model and with the high level of economic infiltration and domination with its inherent corruption, sparked the Cuban Revolution that won out in 1959. It was not originally a Communist one, but American refusal to accept facts on the ground (as usual) led to Castro falling into the arms of the Soviet Union.
Williams argues his case by presenting a huge amount of statistics in all sorts of fields. He does not go in for color or personal details, but argues strictly on economic and policy-oriented lines. If you can plow through all of that, you will emerge with a much higher understanding of Caribbean history, but it is not an easy read. That’s the only reason why I’ve given a mere three stars. Many may start, but only a few may make it to the end. It’s worth the effort, a tour de force, but you have to persist.
Look, there’s no doubt that Eric Williams was intelligent nor that he wrote several well-researched volumes of history. He was recognized by his country (Trinidad and Tobago) and was chosen by his party to be Prime Minister of that country for 19 years, ending in 1981 with his death at the early age of 69. A previous volume to this one, entitled “Capitalism and Slavery” (1944) was a major contribution to the study of slavery and its relationship to the British Empire. I have not read it. The present volume attempts to be “the history of the Caribbean” as the subtitle declares. I don’t believe any history of such a wide area can be definitive, so I would rather describe it as A history of the region, a very painstakingly researched one at that.
Starting with the Spanish invasion of the islands and their subsequent partial-ignoring when Mexico and Peru offered their vast treasures for plundering, the author goes on to describe the constant battles among European nations for control of the many islands, calling the Caribbean “the cockpit of Europe”. Control of the various islands changed hands many times, fortunes were made and lost, and very soon the original inhabitants had almost disappeared. At first poor whites were encouraged to assume indentured labor roles in many islands, but when sugar became the main crop, a larger work force was required. As we know, the colonial powers—Britain, France, Holland, Spain and Denmark—turned to the slave trade from Africa to satisfy their need for labor. The enormous injustice and cruelty growing from this trade is well known. The sugar business became the source of fabulous wealth for a few, accrued on the backs of slaves. By the end of the 18th century, anti-slavery groups had grown up, especially in England, but they achieved little success until, with the rise of industrial capitalism, the sugar trade lost its primacy and Europe had found many other sources of sugar, especially in India, Java, and interestingly enough, from the sugar beet crops of Germany, Austria, Russia and other northern countries. The sugar industry in the West Indies remained stultified and backward perhaps because it was funded by absentee capital from the metropoles, invested by people far from the actual business. Suddenly, Britain took the lead in suppressing the slave trade, though the evil institution remained alive well into the 19th century. The author goes into the effect the American Revolution had on destroying the British mercantilist system in the Caribbean and the opening of their ports, plus the effect of the Haitian Revolution on the French activity in the islands. The latter part of the 19th century saw the rise of American commercial interests and investments in the various parts of the Caribbean. The American sugar industry in Cuba and Puerto Rico eventually dwarfed the older European model and with the high level of economic infiltration and domination with its inherent corruption, sparked the Cuban Revolution that won out in 1959. It was not originally a Communist one, but American refusal to accept facts on the ground (as usual) led to Castro falling into the arms of the Soviet Union.
Williams argues his case by presenting a huge amount of statistics in all sorts of fields. He does not go in for color or personal details, but argues strictly on economic and policy-oriented lines. If you can plow through all of that, you will emerge with a much higher understanding of Caribbean history, but it is not an easy read. That’s the only reason why I’ve given a mere three stars. Many may start, but only a few may make it to the end. It’s worth the effort, a tour de force, but you have to persist.
May 10, 2019
The ex-PM of Trinidad and Tobago (from independence in 1962 till his death in 1981) wrote what I believe is still an excellent history of the development of the Caribbean states--literally as the book's title suggests. While Williams is seeing most of the development of these now nations' through a Marxist lens, I found his perspective both meaningful and helpful even today--almost 50 years after the book finishes. Williams throws in the effect of the differing European nations' involved in the Caribbean (notably the English, French, Spanish, Dutch and later the Americans), with frequent quotes from original sources to back up his points. Sugar and the use by often absentee planters of slavery or indentured servants is shown to cast a very long shadow on the region's employment problems. So too, despite Williams' plea for a more integrated political and economic union to provide depth to these small individual markets, is the legacy of individual histories and relationships with former colonial "masters" and the inherent conflicts between those nations' interests and those of the people who have become today's Caribbean citizenry. And despite Williams' sympathies for Castro, he seems very objective in recounting the lack of economic sense Castro's "revolution" made--and shows that Czech and Russian development "experts" are every bit as bad as the West's "development experts" in picking up tools from their countries and trying to force them to fit in the very different contexts which form the Caribbean. All in all, while I could have done without the many charts showing the advent of sugar by tonnage in the 18th century and while Williams can veer into some tangents which could distract the reader from the overall purpose of the book (NOTE: it has taken me nearly 2 years to complete), I recommend heartily this book to those who are interested in the region, and in the histories of the US, UK and Spain. A remarkable job--wishing there was a book that synthesized the past 50 years as well!
June 25, 2024
AN EXCELLENT HISTORYOF THE REGION, WITH AN EMPHASIS ON SLAVERY
Dr. Eric Eustace Williams (1911-1981) served as the first Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago from 1962 until his death in 1981. He was also professor of Political and Social Science at Howard University, prior to entering politics.
He wrote in the first chapter of this 1970 book, “The changing economic pattern in the fifteenth century had two further characteristics of great and direct relevance for the adventure of Columbus. The first was that, in the Mediterranean, Europe had developed … the sugar industry… and the large plantation and large factory had evolved. The second characteristic was the European experience with colonial labor… the Portuguese developed a sugar industry based on the large plantation operated by Negro slave labor… when Columbus set out, his equipment included the European wanderlust, a powerful economic impulse… a dominant crusading motive, all backed by the necessary political organization. Above all he took with him the knowledge that Africa was a capacious reservoir of labor…” (Pg. 16-17)
He explains, “The Negro slave trade… was more than half a century old when the sixteenth century began, and the Spaniards were already accustomed to purchase Negro slaves in the Portuguese slave markets… the Spanish Government turned to the Negro slaves in Spain, who had been converted to Catholicism. The Negro slave trade had been initiated by the King… in a letter… in which he said, ‘In view of our earnest desire for the conversion of the Indians to our Holy Catholic faith… we cannot consent to the immigration of Moors… unless they are Negro other slaves who have been in the power of Christians who are out subjects and nationals and carry our express permission.’ … But there were simply not enough Negro slaves born in the power of Christian Spaniards… What became a torrent in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries began as a rivulet in the sixteenth.” (Pg. 41-42)
He continues, “Church joined hands with State, and the Inquisition regarded an attempt to escape from slavery as apostasy… The repressive measures became harsher as the slaves showed themselves indifferent to punishment in this world and damnation in the next… In 1619 the King decreed that the ordinary process of the law was not necessary in the case of runaways or rebels.” (Pg. 67)
He observes, “It was thus clear that, by the end of the seventeenth century, the system of white labor… was on its last legs. But the system… marked a further stage in the degradation of labor in the Caribbean. The lack of squeamishness shown in the forced labor of whites was a good training for the forced labor of blacks. The transportation of white servants established a precedent for the transportation of Negro slaves. The practice developed and tolerated in the kidnapping of whites laid the foundation for the kidnapping of Negroes.” (Pg. 103)
He notes, “There were four ways of escape open to the slaves. The first was suicide, a powerful weapon, practiced both on the slave ships and on the sugar plantations with the deliberate intention of striking at the trader of planter… The second way… was flight from the plantations…. After 1772, a third means of escape was opened … [in the] British courts… The issue … was whether a master who had brought a slave to England … could legally require him to return to slavery in the Western Indies… The decision … affected, however, only an infinitesimal number of slaves… The final and most popular reply of the slaves was revolt. The revolts began on the slave ships… the danger of revolt was greater on the plantations, where… the slaves could not be kept chained and shut up day after day.” (Pg. 191-194)
He comments, “Negro slavery in the Caribbean provided a good test for… the legality of the institution of slavery. The first argument in favor of the legality of slavery was the … classical view… that slavery was the result of war… The second argument was that it was in accord with religion and Christianity… The religious argument was reinforced by the consideration that slavery in the Caribbean was justified where the slaves were converted to Christianity… The final argument … was that slavery was a just retribution for a crime… It may be noted here that these seventeenth century arguments in favor of slavery acknowledged… that the Negro was a man, and … were not based on any alleged inferiority … of Negroes.” (Pg. 202-204)
He recounts, “The slave revolution of 1848 in the Danish Virgin Islands was sudden and unexpected… the houses of the town bailiff, the Police Assistant and one of the wealthiest merchants were sacked. Most of the whites took refuge on vessels in the harbor. The Negroes demanded immediate emancipation…Thus did the slaves of the Danish Virgin Islands emancipate themselves. Not a drop of white blood had been shed, though much property had been destroyed.” (Pg. 326-327)
He outlines, “The Caribbean area in 1969 is one of the most unstable areas in our unstable world…The constitutional diversity aggravates the chronic instability… This constitutional instability is matched by an appalling degree of economic fragmentation---totally absurd for so small an area. Fragmentation goes to such fantastic lengths as would make the angels weep. Fragmentation is reflected both in the politically ordained economic links with different external powers and in the ordained economic links with different external powers and in the type of development strategy being pursued by individual territories… Fragmentation is accompanied by massive dependence on the outside world… With the exception of Cuba… the politically dependent and the politically independent countries of the Caribbean differ only in the latter’s possession of formal sovereignty.” (Pg. 498-500)
He concludes, “To sum up…one can say that the achievement of political independence by the continental Latin American countries resulted, internally, in the freezing of already rigid social and economic relationships, and, externally, in very little economic independence because of external economic domination by the U.S. corporations, aided and abetted by the dollar diplomacy of the State Department.” (Pg. 507) He adds, “It is not possible at this stage to sketch out precisely the type of relationship which might be established between the commonwealth and non-Commonwealth Caribbean… there is great scope for functional collaboration… Once there it true integration among all the units of the Caribbean… and once all the vestiges of political, economic, cultural and psychological dependence and of racism have been removed from the Caribbean, then and only then can the Caribbean take its true place in Latin America and the New World and put an end to the international wars and inter-regional squabbles which, from Columbus to Castro, have marked the disposition of Adam’s will.” (Pg. 514-515)
This detailed and engaging history will be of great interest to anyone studying the history of the Caribbean.
Dr. Eric Eustace Williams (1911-1981) served as the first Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago from 1962 until his death in 1981. He was also professor of Political and Social Science at Howard University, prior to entering politics.
He wrote in the first chapter of this 1970 book, “The changing economic pattern in the fifteenth century had two further characteristics of great and direct relevance for the adventure of Columbus. The first was that, in the Mediterranean, Europe had developed … the sugar industry… and the large plantation and large factory had evolved. The second characteristic was the European experience with colonial labor… the Portuguese developed a sugar industry based on the large plantation operated by Negro slave labor… when Columbus set out, his equipment included the European wanderlust, a powerful economic impulse… a dominant crusading motive, all backed by the necessary political organization. Above all he took with him the knowledge that Africa was a capacious reservoir of labor…” (Pg. 16-17)
He explains, “The Negro slave trade… was more than half a century old when the sixteenth century began, and the Spaniards were already accustomed to purchase Negro slaves in the Portuguese slave markets… the Spanish Government turned to the Negro slaves in Spain, who had been converted to Catholicism. The Negro slave trade had been initiated by the King… in a letter… in which he said, ‘In view of our earnest desire for the conversion of the Indians to our Holy Catholic faith… we cannot consent to the immigration of Moors… unless they are Negro other slaves who have been in the power of Christians who are out subjects and nationals and carry our express permission.’ … But there were simply not enough Negro slaves born in the power of Christian Spaniards… What became a torrent in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries began as a rivulet in the sixteenth.” (Pg. 41-42)
He continues, “Church joined hands with State, and the Inquisition regarded an attempt to escape from slavery as apostasy… The repressive measures became harsher as the slaves showed themselves indifferent to punishment in this world and damnation in the next… In 1619 the King decreed that the ordinary process of the law was not necessary in the case of runaways or rebels.” (Pg. 67)
He observes, “It was thus clear that, by the end of the seventeenth century, the system of white labor… was on its last legs. But the system… marked a further stage in the degradation of labor in the Caribbean. The lack of squeamishness shown in the forced labor of whites was a good training for the forced labor of blacks. The transportation of white servants established a precedent for the transportation of Negro slaves. The practice developed and tolerated in the kidnapping of whites laid the foundation for the kidnapping of Negroes.” (Pg. 103)
He notes, “There were four ways of escape open to the slaves. The first was suicide, a powerful weapon, practiced both on the slave ships and on the sugar plantations with the deliberate intention of striking at the trader of planter… The second way… was flight from the plantations…. After 1772, a third means of escape was opened … [in the] British courts… The issue … was whether a master who had brought a slave to England … could legally require him to return to slavery in the Western Indies… The decision … affected, however, only an infinitesimal number of slaves… The final and most popular reply of the slaves was revolt. The revolts began on the slave ships… the danger of revolt was greater on the plantations, where… the slaves could not be kept chained and shut up day after day.” (Pg. 191-194)
He comments, “Negro slavery in the Caribbean provided a good test for… the legality of the institution of slavery. The first argument in favor of the legality of slavery was the … classical view… that slavery was the result of war… The second argument was that it was in accord with religion and Christianity… The religious argument was reinforced by the consideration that slavery in the Caribbean was justified where the slaves were converted to Christianity… The final argument … was that slavery was a just retribution for a crime… It may be noted here that these seventeenth century arguments in favor of slavery acknowledged… that the Negro was a man, and … were not based on any alleged inferiority … of Negroes.” (Pg. 202-204)
He recounts, “The slave revolution of 1848 in the Danish Virgin Islands was sudden and unexpected… the houses of the town bailiff, the Police Assistant and one of the wealthiest merchants were sacked. Most of the whites took refuge on vessels in the harbor. The Negroes demanded immediate emancipation…Thus did the slaves of the Danish Virgin Islands emancipate themselves. Not a drop of white blood had been shed, though much property had been destroyed.” (Pg. 326-327)
He outlines, “The Caribbean area in 1969 is one of the most unstable areas in our unstable world…The constitutional diversity aggravates the chronic instability… This constitutional instability is matched by an appalling degree of economic fragmentation---totally absurd for so small an area. Fragmentation goes to such fantastic lengths as would make the angels weep. Fragmentation is reflected both in the politically ordained economic links with different external powers and in the ordained economic links with different external powers and in the type of development strategy being pursued by individual territories… Fragmentation is accompanied by massive dependence on the outside world… With the exception of Cuba… the politically dependent and the politically independent countries of the Caribbean differ only in the latter’s possession of formal sovereignty.” (Pg. 498-500)
He concludes, “To sum up…one can say that the achievement of political independence by the continental Latin American countries resulted, internally, in the freezing of already rigid social and economic relationships, and, externally, in very little economic independence because of external economic domination by the U.S. corporations, aided and abetted by the dollar diplomacy of the State Department.” (Pg. 507) He adds, “It is not possible at this stage to sketch out precisely the type of relationship which might be established between the commonwealth and non-Commonwealth Caribbean… there is great scope for functional collaboration… Once there it true integration among all the units of the Caribbean… and once all the vestiges of political, economic, cultural and psychological dependence and of racism have been removed from the Caribbean, then and only then can the Caribbean take its true place in Latin America and the New World and put an end to the international wars and inter-regional squabbles which, from Columbus to Castro, have marked the disposition of Adam’s will.” (Pg. 514-515)
This detailed and engaging history will be of great interest to anyone studying the history of the Caribbean.
March 17, 2019
From Columbus to Castro: The History of the Caribbean 1492-1969 by Eric Williams, former Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, is one of the best books I have ever read in my life.
Eric Williams led his country as Prime Minister from 1962 until his death in 1981, and wrote this book in 1971. Eric Williams was a noted historian, and goes to no end to prove this point of his career in the writing of this book. Sugar-being an extremely valuable commodity for as long as humanity has existed-is explored deeply here in various aspects in his verbatim descriptions of the slave trade. The detail noted in each chapter about the various social, economic, and spiritual aspects of the slave trade in the Caribbean is mind-boggling.
One particularly frightening aspect of this book is the fact that history has continued to go in the same direction as this book originally described in 1971. The emergence of the gig economy, the increasingly isolationist policies being adopted by countries all over the globe, and the general frustration of the public with the stagnation of wages all have roots in the slave trade and the lessons that business owners from those days that made use of slave labor passed down to their future generations.
This book is an absolute must-read for anyone and everyone looking to understand modern-day economics, modern-day employment policies, and modern-day race relations that resulted from the slavery practices used in the Caribbean.
Eric Williams led his country as Prime Minister from 1962 until his death in 1981, and wrote this book in 1971. Eric Williams was a noted historian, and goes to no end to prove this point of his career in the writing of this book. Sugar-being an extremely valuable commodity for as long as humanity has existed-is explored deeply here in various aspects in his verbatim descriptions of the slave trade. The detail noted in each chapter about the various social, economic, and spiritual aspects of the slave trade in the Caribbean is mind-boggling.
One particularly frightening aspect of this book is the fact that history has continued to go in the same direction as this book originally described in 1971. The emergence of the gig economy, the increasingly isolationist policies being adopted by countries all over the globe, and the general frustration of the public with the stagnation of wages all have roots in the slave trade and the lessons that business owners from those days that made use of slave labor passed down to their future generations.
This book is an absolute must-read for anyone and everyone looking to understand modern-day economics, modern-day employment policies, and modern-day race relations that resulted from the slavery practices used in the Caribbean.
May 29, 2023
Prime Minister Williams' has authored a transformative work here that fundamentally shifted my understanding of colonialism, global trade, government, imperialism, national independence, slavery, and world history. Williams has thoroughly researched the subject and cites to an extensive body of sources. When reading, don't allow yourself to get bogged down in the quantitative data presented. Instead, understand the point Williams is conveying through the presented data, and move on to the next paragraph.
I rank this book alongside "The Conquest of the Incas" as the two works that have most advanced my understanding of the modern world.
I rank this book alongside "The Conquest of the Incas" as the two works that have most advanced my understanding of the modern world.
April 2, 2024
A very thorough history of the Caribbean as a whole. Writing a book that encompasses so many separate histories is not easy, but I felt this was done very well here. I agree with the NYT review, that it is astounding the way the author is able to retain his composure while writing about the atrocities done to his people. The book is not vengeful, it is very fact based and objective. Nevertheless, facts alone are enough to inspire fervent anger against the colonial capitalistic system that brought the ruin to countless innocent lives in the quest for profit.
February 27, 2023
This book is a dream come true for us Black/Caribbean history aficionados ok. The economics behind the malicious under development of this region by predominantly white imperialists has helped me further understand the disturbing degree of fragmentation amongst a predominantly Black inhabited region. Dollar diplomacy remains.
Want to read
October 10, 2022Quiero leer este libro para conocer otra perspectiva en cuanto a la historia del caribe. todos los caribeños debemos leer a nuestros escritores, para empezar a desintoxicarnos de la historia escrita por el colonizador, muy acomodada a sus intereses.
October 21, 2024
Super dense, but provides a comprehensive picture of the political and economic history of Latin America and the Caribbean, along with the modern-day challenges plagued by this region as a result, and how these can be properly addressed.
May 9, 2024
A fascinating overview of the history of the carribean
March 11, 2012
A powerful work that vividly portrays the brutality inflicted first on the Taino victims of the conquest and later on the African slaves imported to work the sugar plantations and Asians brought over on term-labor agreements after emencipation. The book provides the economic, political and social forces that drove the European colonization. Focus is 1492 through the 19th century, much less on 20th. Very strong on the economics. You will learn, for example, the capital in pounds sterling required in the 17th century to purchase the land, machinery, and materials and slave labor necessary to get started on a sugar plantation. How technological advances in cane processing and extraction of sugar from beets in Europre affected development.
Williams was the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago for more than a decade ending in 1981.
I read this while camping on St. John's where, like much the Caribbean, the evidence of the slavery-based sugar economy is everywhere. St. John's was a backwater, the least productive island of Denmark, a small and late comer to the party (it's other two were St. Thomas and St. Croix). The terrain is mountainous and seemingly unsuited to sugar. Yet nearly every inch of the island's natural growth forest was felled to make way for terraced cane planting, transforming and degrading the ecology of the island permanently.
In 1733 slaves rose up. They killed the Danish soldiers and whites who were unable to flee, controlled the island for six months, before they were put down by French troops from Martinique. It was the first of a wave of uprisings that swept the Caribbean during the century leading up to emancipation. The St. John's revolt was sparked by a tightening of the already brutal retribution system for absenteeism, impertinence, shiriking etc. It included lashings, pinching (branding with a hot iron) for first offenses, dismemberment and death for repeat offenders.
Much of St. John's is owned and managed by the National Park's Service, which sold the book in it its visitor center. But an NPS ranger who led a walking tour did a poor job on the history. According to her, slaves were left to themselves to work the plantations, kind of like sharecroppers. On a beautiful island like this, it almost sounded like a nice way to go back to the land and down shift. She said a little of the revolt but you wouldn't know why. You really can't leave out the part about the transatlantic voyage where 1/3 perished or committed suicide, whippings, cutting-off of ears, noses, and limbs, disease, hanging, and being worked to death in the hot sun.
Williams was the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago for more than a decade ending in 1981.
I read this while camping on St. John's where, like much the Caribbean, the evidence of the slavery-based sugar economy is everywhere. St. John's was a backwater, the least productive island of Denmark, a small and late comer to the party (it's other two were St. Thomas and St. Croix). The terrain is mountainous and seemingly unsuited to sugar. Yet nearly every inch of the island's natural growth forest was felled to make way for terraced cane planting, transforming and degrading the ecology of the island permanently.
In 1733 slaves rose up. They killed the Danish soldiers and whites who were unable to flee, controlled the island for six months, before they were put down by French troops from Martinique. It was the first of a wave of uprisings that swept the Caribbean during the century leading up to emancipation. The St. John's revolt was sparked by a tightening of the already brutal retribution system for absenteeism, impertinence, shiriking etc. It included lashings, pinching (branding with a hot iron) for first offenses, dismemberment and death for repeat offenders.
Much of St. John's is owned and managed by the National Park's Service, which sold the book in it its visitor center. But an NPS ranger who led a walking tour did a poor job on the history. According to her, slaves were left to themselves to work the plantations, kind of like sharecroppers. On a beautiful island like this, it almost sounded like a nice way to go back to the land and down shift. She said a little of the revolt but you wouldn't know why. You really can't leave out the part about the transatlantic voyage where 1/3 perished or committed suicide, whippings, cutting-off of ears, noses, and limbs, disease, hanging, and being worked to death in the hot sun.
October 22, 2010
Eric Williams belongs to the group of Marxist historians. His remarkable work offers the reader deep analysis of Carribean from Colombus to Castro. However, he points out mainy mainly economic matters with strong aspect of colonialism. Carribean is highly connected with fruits, sugar and thus is oriented to peasans and not industrial level of region. As a author of Capitalism and Slavery he tries to find close linkage as well he based this book partly on economic aspect of region. Furthermore, it is highly interesting to follow his comments on the USA as "shadow and superpower in this region" and his interest from material perspective. In my opinion, it is clear example of Marxist historian. It is worth to read, Although it was published almost 40 years ago. It is still first comprehensive history of the area and it is key work to understand the economic and political elements of this region.
May 2, 2013
Williams is clearly on top of his research here. What is missing, however, is what makes a good history which is also what makes good fiction: invention. The statistics are important, but there needs to be a narrative history component as well. This book lacks any narrative threads. The reading is dull and not engaging. As for the collection of data and the presentation of it in a well organized and succinct matter, then Williams does a bang-up job.
For the best illustration of this failure turn to the Haitian Revolution. Never is there a chapter more fit for a story about the players. Instead we have reference after reference to primary documents, lacking a unifying thread. Despite this, however, the chapter about the Haitian Revolution is the best single account I have read of it yet.
For the best illustration of this failure turn to the Haitian Revolution. Never is there a chapter more fit for a story about the players. Instead we have reference after reference to primary documents, lacking a unifying thread. Despite this, however, the chapter about the Haitian Revolution is the best single account I have read of it yet.
April 12, 2013
Although not a conventional "beach read," former Prime Minster of Trinidad and Tobago Eric Williams's history of the Caribbean was brisk and comprehensive, especially if you skim the too many chapters on the intricacy of the sugar economy. Williams is a path-blazing Oxford historian-turned-politican, who upended the idea that the British were selfless colonizers who emancipated primarily for humanitarian reasons. He wades through a lot of economics to make the argument. But the core thesis of the book is trimmed by a gripping, beautifully written historical narrative, which helped me understand this misrepresented area of the world and how it fits into the larger history of the Atlantic world.
May 23, 2013
Although not a conventional "beach read," former Prime Minster of Trinidad and Tobago Eric Williams's history of the Caribbean was brisk and comprehensive, especially if you skim the too many chapters on the intricacy of the sugar economy. Williams is a path-blazing Oxford historian-turned-politican, who upended the idea that the British were selfless colonizers who emancipated primarily for humanitarian reasons. He wades through a lot of economics to make the argument. But the core thesis of the book is trimmed by a gripping, beautifully written historical narrative, which helped me understand this misrepresented area of the world and how it fits into the larger history of the Atlantic world.
August 3, 2015
Picked up this book at a book fair for five dollars. I had just finished The Rum Diary by Hunter S. Thompson, and a book on the Caribbean seemed like a good transition. I never realized how ignorant I was to the history of the Caribbean until I read this book. It is pretty dense, and I found myself glazing over some of the passages, just because I was more interested in a general understanding. After finishing this book I find myself very interested and curious to read the more in-depth histories of the individual islands.
On another note, the author seems like a very interesting individual as well. I marked his autobiography to read, I hope I can find a copy
On another note, the author seems like a very interesting individual as well. I marked his autobiography to read, I hope I can find a copy
September 5, 2015
Recommended. Mr. Williams was Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago from 1962 to 1981. How did he have time to write such a fine history book? Obviously he cared deeply about the people of the Caribbean countries. Though so much has happened since the book was published in 1970, the wide-ranging background information is fully relevant. Particularly meaningful to me is Williams' dispassionate coverage of the decimation of the native peoples of the Caribbean, and his account of international practices and the laws that enabled slavery. His descriptions of how slaves were treated is troubling but can't be ignored.
July 24, 2011
I really like Eric Williams' work (his 1944 Capitalism and Slavery remains one of the most important books in colonial and imperial social and economic history, as well as perhaps the most important book about the Atlantic slave trade), and although this was first published in 1970, so contains some things we now know to be wrong, this is a fantastic introduction to Caribbean history. There is a really solid blending of economic, social and political history, and it is an excellent launch pad for reading or beginning other work in Caribbean history.
June 23, 2013
A really excellent and fair-minded history of the Caribbean by a former Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago. While writing a very fact-driven narrative (lots of tables of imports/exports data, etc.), he still maintains readability. I learned a lot from it. Keep in mind that it was written in the late 1960s, so don't expect it to be up-to-date.
April 20, 2009
Among the saleant points; a needed documentation of slavery. Eric Williams points out the enormity of the issue that still has legacy in our society. He gives numbers that should stagger white and black alike.
January 20, 2009
If you are not a business major, or economics inthusist, you will not have to read past the 3 chapter. However, the information in the first couple of chapters are priceless.
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